“Unknown Ulyanov” - how Lenin’s older brother became a terrorist. Terrorist Ulyanov: was Lenin’s brother the emperor’s illegitimate son

“Unknown Ulyanov” - how Lenin’s older brother became a terrorist.  Terrorist Ulyanov: was Lenin’s brother the emperor’s illegitimate son
“Unknown Ulyanov” - how Lenin’s older brother became a terrorist. Terrorist Ulyanov: was Lenin’s brother the emperor’s illegitimate son

IN national history he is known as the elder brother of Lenin (the ideologist of the Russian revolution and an ardent opponent of the autocracy). And if a colossal number of literary works have been written about Vladimir Ilyich, then detailed information there is not so much about who Alexander Ulyanov is, and what was remarkable in his biography. The mere fact that he took part in the assassination attempt on the Tsar speaks volumes.

However, Lenin’s brother did not immediately become a radicalist and an active champion of revolutionary ideas for the destruction of the autocracy. Alexander Ulyanov showed great promise in science, but a different fate was in store for him. It turned out to be as tragic as many representatives radical movements. What is known about the closest relative of Vladimir Ilyich Lenin? Let's consider this issue in more detail.

Years of childhood and youth

Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov is a native of Nizhny Novgorod. He was born on March 31, 1866. This was the second child in the Ulyanov family. Of course, almost everyone knows that Alexander’s father occupied a high position in the teaching community.

Being a candidate of mathematical sciences, he masterfully taught physics and mathematics in a men's gymnasium. However, Ilya Nikolaevich passed away quite early, so the burden of supporting the family after his death fell on his wife and eldest son. Maria Alexandrovna (Sasha’s mother) received a brilliant upbringing in her time and was a real homemaker.

At the age of nine, Alexander Ulyanov entered the Simbirsk gymnasium. He was distinguished by his special diligence in his studies and for this quality he was awarded a gold medal when he graduated from the gymnasium. Moreover, his certificate stated that he was a diligent, disciplined and overly inquisitive young man.

Was Alexander close to his youth in his youth? younger brother Vladimir? Surprisingly, there was no special friendship between them. Alexander Ulyanov once stated: “Volodya is very capable, but we are different.” In turn, the younger brother, as he grew older, declared that Sasha was absolutely not created for “revolutionary work”, since he was scrupulously interested in science.

Student environment

In 1883, Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov became a student at the Faculty of Science at St. Petersburg University.

And within the walls of this university, he also demonstrates excellent diligence and diligence in his studies. Already in his third year, the young man was awarded the status of “Second Academic Secretary.” Soon he perfectly defends his work on natural sciences. Then he was completely abstracted from political life, since his passion was research in exact disciplines. It seemed that Alexander Ulyanov was simply obliged to become a major scientist, but one day the People’s Will became interested in his abilities.

Changing priorities

The turning point in the life of Lenin’s brother was the dispersal of the Dobrolyubov demonstration, which occurred in 1886. Crowds of young people came to serve a memorial service at the Volkovo cemetery to honor the memory of the famous writer Nikolai Dobrolyubov, who during his lifetime often criticized the authorities. However, the action was interrupted by gendarmerie forces. This behavior of officials caused a strong protest in Alexander’s soul. He decided that he would fiercely fight the injustice and lawlessness that “those in power” were perpetrating.

"People's Will"

Alexander Ulyanov (brother of Vladimir Ilyich) chose the Narodnaya Volya members as a political platform.

The Narodnaya Volya party consisted entirely of populist revolutionaries who intended to revive the Russian community in an exclusively radical way, recognizing the harmful influence of the capitalist system on it. Moreover, to achieve their goals, they often practiced terrorist acts. The Narodnaya Volya were a close-knit group with their own governing bodies. The organization had a wide network of local groups and special circles. Seeing that the party enjoys serious support masses, Ulyanov Alexander, without hesitation, joined its ranks.

The young man began to devote less time to science, focusing on underground work. He began speaking at party meetings, participating in pickets and marches, and conducting propaganda work among young people. However, after some time, Alexander Ulyanov (Lenin’s brother), whose biography contains many interesting and noteworthy facts, moved on to more active actions through which he hoped to realize his political ambitions.

Program

He is the author of the Terrorist Faction program. This document is openly radical in nature and makes strict demands on the autocratic system. Moreover, the program contained unequivocal calls for the assassination of the Tsar.

Naturally, the reaction of Alexander III to the above document of the Narodnaya Volya was appropriate: the tsar did not even want to think about entering into a dialogue with representatives opposition party. Realizing that the autocrat did not intend to make concessions and weaken the political regime, Narodnaya Volya activists wanted reprisals against Alexander III. However, the idea to kill the Russian autocrat did not come to Ulyanov’s mind. It was initiated by Alexander’s associates - Sheverev and Govorukhin. However, after some time, the first of them temporarily abandoned the idea, leaving for treatment in Crimea. But then the revolutionaries returned to their intended goal. Alexander Ulyanov (Lenin's brother) sold the gold medal and purchased dynamite with the proceeds.

Explosive device

Initially, the Narodnaya Volya members planned to make a bomb in the apartment of the revolutionary Lukashevich.

However, they later abandoned this. The terrorists suddenly remembered the extraordinary abilities of Ulyanov, who showed great promise in science. Alexander was well versed in chemistry, so it was he who was tasked with making an explosive device. Naturally, it was not difficult for Vladimir Ilyich’s brother to make a bomb. In just two months, he learned all the intricacies of the process of making an explosive mechanism.

Soon after this, Alexander was supplied with the necessary raw materials: dynamite and explosive mixture. Moreover, the result was as many as three bombs. One of them was veiled in a thick bound book. The bomb maker did not hide evidence by leaving laboratory accessories directly on the table. It is possible that Alexander Ulyanov is acting too carelessly and recklessly. An attempt on the life of the Tsar is an action that ideally implies careful preparation and concealment of all material evidence related to it. And here is such an oversight. But the police will soon learn about the planned murder of the autocrat.

The gendarmes reveal the plan

One of the terrorists by the name of Andreyushkin addressed a written message to a certain student Nikitin in Kharkov, in which he reported in a camouflaged form that a “big deal” was planned. And this letter, by coincidence, falls into the hands of the gendarmerie, which immediately establishes surveillance of the revolutionaries. And in the last month of the winter of 1887 they showed extraordinary caution. Govorukhin disappears from the city, having previously left a note saying that he committed suicide. Shevelev also leaves the city on the Neva.

Lenin’s brother, in order to lull the vigilance of the police, temporarily took a job as a teacher with the midwife Ananyeva, who lived in the Vyborg district of St. Petersburg, where he was delivered components for making a bomb. And yet, despite the conspiracy, the police managed to establish surveillance of members of the “Terrorist Faction”. The gendarmes saw revolutionaries hiding something under their clothes as they walked along Nevsky Prospekt. The Generalov terrorist was carrying the most valuable cargo - a thick bound book. People's Will organized a vigil at St. Isaac's Cathedral in last days February. And a few days later they learned that the tsar intended to go to a memorial service in the Peter and Paul Fortress. And when he returns from the event, the “X-hour” will come...

It seemed that reprisal against the autocrat was inevitable, but vigilant police managed to prevent it. Soon all the organizers of the crime and participants in the promenade along the main avenue of St. Petersburg were arrested.

Detention

What about Alexander Ulyanov? The assassination attempt on the Tsar, as is known, was scheduled for March 1, 1887. Vladimir Ilyich’s brother was waiting for this date and preparing for it. On the first day of spring in the evening, he went to the apartment of Narodnaya Volya member Mikhail Kancher to ask how things were going with the implementation of the crime. But there were no explosions in the city then. And after some time, gendarmes came to Kancher and arrested the revolutionaries.

The hypothetical “regicide” Alexander Ulyanov stated during interrogations that the attempt on the life of Alexander III was entirely his idea. He was simply trying to shield his party comrades. During the search, a notebook was confiscated from Lenin’s brother, the pages of which were filled from beginning to end with encrypted addresses. Soon the police learn from the “accommodating and manipulable” Narodnaya Volya members the names of the organizers of the terrorist attack. These are Pyotr Shevyrev, Pakhomiy Andreyushkin, Vasily Osipanov, Vasily Generalov and Alexander Ulyanov, whose photo immediately hit the front pages of St. Petersburg newspapers after the assassination attempt.

Moreover, Vladimir Ilyich’s brother asks that his comrades declare during interrogations that it was he who prepared, organized and intended to carry out the crime against the autocracy. At the trial, the prosecutor will draw attention to this fact, although ultimately Alexander and the above-mentioned Narodnaya Volya members will be given the most severe punishment - the death penalty. And before the execution of the sentence, the conspirators were sent to the Political Prison of the Peter and Paul Fortress.

It is noteworthy that Anna Ilyinichna Ulyanova (the revolutionary’s sister) was recognized as an accomplice in this case. In the winter of 1887, she studied at the Bestuzhev Higher Women's Courses. She was sentenced to five years' exile.

Petition for pardon

One of the Ulyanovs’ relatives reported the fate of Alexander and Anna. However, Maria Alexandrovna’s health was not good, so the sad news was conveyed through a family friend. It was she who informed Vladimir Ilyich about the execution of his brother and the arrest of his sister. But Vladimir considered it pointless to hide such news from his mother.

Of course, the gravity of the crime committed was undeniable, but there was still a tiny chance that Alexander Ulyanov could be acquitted. But the situation was complicated by the fact that Lenin’s brother was the author of a blatant and odious document - the program of the “Terrorist Faction,” the provisions of which accused the autocratic system of almost “all sins.” And yet, Maria Alexandrovna made an attempt to save her son. She herself went to St. Petersburg and began to seek an audience with the Tsar. Alexander III accepted and listened to her request.

The Emperor agreed to satisfy her, but on the condition that Alexander Ulyanov, whose life story ultimately turned out to be tragic, would personally ask for mercy. But initially the revolutionary did not want to do this and only at the request of his mother sent the autocrat a paper in which he asked to save his life. Did Alexander III get acquainted with it? It is not known for certain, but he clearly did not intend to show softness and loyalty towards those who wanted to kill him. On the contrary, he wanted the terrorists to get what they deserved for such a daring crime.

Verdict

The court hearing was closed. The trial lasted five days, after which the servant of Themis decided: “Osipanov, Andreyushkin, Generalov and Ulyanov should be executed.” Shevyrev, who was arrested in Crimea, was also deprived of his life. Shortly before her son was hanged, Maria Alexandrovna visited him. She tried not to show her emotions, having mentally prepared herself for the fact that her son Alexander Ulyanov was already doomed. The assassination attempt on the Tsar cost him very, very dearly. He paid the greatest price for this. But Lenin’s brother did not feel any regret or repentance for what he “did.” The execution of Alexander Ulyanov took place on May 8, 1887. He was hanged in the Shlisselburg fortress, and his body was buried in a mass grave behind the wall of the fortress, located on the shores of Lake Ladoga.

90's era versions

It is noteworthy that after the collapse of the USSR, society began to talk about new facts in the biography of Alexander Ulyanov. Moreover, they were “unearthed” back in the 70s by Marietta Shaginyan, who specifically studied the life of the family of the “ideologist of the Russian revolution.” But there are still heated debates among historians about whether they can be trusted or not.

According to one version, Alexander Ulyanov, whose biography has not yet been fully researched, is the illegitimate son of the emperor himself. There is an opinion that even in her youth, Maria Alexandrovna served as a maid of honor at the court of Alexander II. Some time later, she had an affair with his son Alexander III. It was from this connection that the eldest son of the Ulyanovs appeared. And then the maid of honor gave birth to a girl, but her parent Grand Duke was not. Naturally, there could be no talk of any kind of career as a maid of honor with two children. Maria Alexandrovna was “quietly” married to the provincial teacher Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov. The future inspector of public schools received a title of nobility and a promotion up the career ladder.

One day, Alexander Ulyanov was sorting through his father’s papers and accidentally learned about his origin. After reading them, he vowed to take revenge on his biological father for his insulted honor, and to realize this goal, he joined the Narodnaya Volya. And, according to rumors, Alexander III, after the assassination attempt, was ready to forgive his illegitimate son and even intended to bestow on him the title of prince, as well as get him to serve in a guards regiment. But Lenin’s brother did not want to repent and continued to hate his biological parent.

According to the second version, Alexander Ulyanov was the son of the famous terrorist Dmitry Karakozov, who in 1866 attempted to assassinate Emperor Alexander II. Moreover, the revolutionary was a student of Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov. He was first a student at Kazan University, then at Moscow University. Karakozov was a member of the revolutionary society “Organization”. The romance between the regicide and Maria Alexandrovna did not surprise anyone from the environment with whom the Ulyanov family communicated. Lenin's brother planned the assassination of Alexander III on the day that Dmitry Karakozov attempted to take the life of Alexander II. However, it was not successful with either one or the other.

Conclusion

So, there is no doubt that Alexander Ilyich completely consciously and without any remorse went to kill the Tsar. Like other representatives of radical youth, he longed to overthrow the autocratic system in Russia and forever free the country from its oppression. In total, about 45 people were involved in the case of the assassination attempt on Alexander III, and they all understood that if the political plans did not come true, they would face the gallows or a long prison sentence.

The terrorists considered it their civic duty to destroy tsarism in Russia. However, this mission turned out to be beyond their power: it was brought to life by the closest relative of Alexander Ulyanov. Well, after the execution of Lenin’s brother, the entourage of the Ulyanov family turned away from all its members, preferring to distance themselves from communication with Maria Alexandrovna and the children. Everyone was frightened by Alexander’s flagrant and odious act. And after some time, Vladimir Ilyich will say his sacramental phrase: “We will go the other way!”

ULYANOV ALEXANDER ILYICH

(b. 1866 – d. 1887)

The elder brother of V.I. Lenin. Member of the revolutionary organization "People's Will". Initiator and one of the leaders of the assassination attempt on Alexander III. On May 8, 1887 he was executed in the Shlisselburg fortress.

The name of Alexander Ulyanov is usually in the shadow of his famous relative. But who knows what it would be like world history, if young Volodya had not vowed to avenge his dead brother, saying the famous phrase: “We will go the other way.”

Alexander Ulyanov was born on March 31, 1866 in Nizhny Novgorod. At the age of 3, he and his family moved to Simbirsk, where his father, Ilya Nikolaevich, was first involved in inspecting public schools, and in 1874 he became the manager of the directorate.

His upbringing, as well as the rest of the children in the family, was carried out by his mother, Maria Alexandrovna, nee Maria Blank, one of the five daughters of the doctor Alexander Blank and the German Anna Groshopf (according to other sources, Grosskopf). Maria Alexandrovna herself knew several languages ​​well, so she taught children to read and write not only in Russian, but also in foreign languages. Sasha learned to read early, mastering literacy at the age of four. At the age of 8 home schooling ends. Alexander enters the Simbirsk gymnasium. Already in elementary school, according to the recollections of his fellow students, “this destined small man was the center around which all elements of the class were grouped.” It was so popular among students that the high school graduation of 1883 was called the “Ulyanov class.”

Sasha was brought up on classical literature– he loved Tolstoy, Pushkin, Nekrasov, Dostoevsky very much. But in high school I became interested in forbidden literature. Anna, Alexander’s older sister, recalled: “Sasha and I read Pisarev, who was no longer available in libraries at that time, but who was obtained from our family doctor, who had full meeting essays. We got so carried away that we felt a deep sense of sadness when the last volume was finished and we had to say “sorry.” Perhaps it was from this reading that the fate of Alexander Ulyanov began to turn towards the path that would lead him to the gallows.

Already in the gymnasium, Alexander had increased interest to natural science. As a result of his passion for zoology, he received the nickname “frog ripper” in his family. But his real passion was chemistry. At the age of 16, he independently, in the kitchen of the outbuilding, equipped himself with a chemical laboratory, where he not only spent all his free time, but also often stayed overnight. A precocious, serious young man immersed in academic pursuits, he was predicted to have a great scientific future. Relatives and acquaintances believed that nothing would prevent him from becoming a scientist, since it was in science that he saw his calling.

In 1883, after graduating from a classical gymnasium with a gold medal, Alexander entered St. Petersburg University in the natural sciences department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics. The university at that time was already one of the best higher educational institutions and the largest scientific center Russian Empire. Anna Ulyanova wrote in her memoirs: “My brother arrived in St. Petersburg with serious scientific training, with strong developed ability to independent work, and just passionately attacked science.” In the first two years of his life in St. Petersburg, Ulyanov lives in seclusion, communicates only with fellow countrymen and devotes a lot of time to lectures and scientific studies. A favorite student of D.I. Mendeleev, he spent most of his time at the microscope and in the chemical laboratory and was not at all interested in politics. By the end of the second year, Alexander decided on a specialization, choosing invertebrate zoology. For his “Study of the structure of the segmental organs of freshwater Annulata,” he was awarded the highest award - a gold medal, which opened the way for him to further scientific activity. The confidence that Alexander Ulyanov would become a great scientist was universal. No one doubted that the talented student would be retained at the university to prepare for a professorship.

Ulyanov's scientific success contributed to his entry into the student Scientific and Literary Society of the university. Having arisen on the initiative of Count Heyden, Prince Golitsyn, Prince Lieven, Count Bobrinsky and other reactionary students, the society after some time received the opposite impulse. Students with revolutionary views, including future participants in the assassination attempt on Alexander III, began to have a great influence on him. Members of several underground student circles gather here. But in this form, the Scientific and Literary Society did not last long, and was soon closed by the authorities as “politically dangerous.”

On March 20, 1886, Ulyanov became a member of the Scientific and Literary Society, and six months later he was elected its secretary. Perhaps not only the fact that Alexander was a talented student, but also his personal charm played a role in this. “He aroused sympathy and respect in everyone with his seriousness and sincerity,” recalled I.M. Greves, one of the Society’s members. “He was silent and reserved, there was something about him that seemed stern or melancholy. But something solid, strong, intelligent, seasoned and devoted was always felt, a big man was seen. We had a certain respect for him."

And then a metamorphosis occurs. Alexander Ulyanov gets involved in politics. Instead of Spencer's "Biology", his reference book becomes Karl Marx's "Capital". It was at this time that he made the final decision to abandon scientific career and devote himself to political struggle. Perhaps this decision was influenced by the news of the unexpected death from a cerebral hemorrhage of his father, Ilya Nikolaevich, in January 1886.

Liberal reforms of Alexander II carried out in the 60s of the XIX century. did not meet the real needs of Russia and only generated social contradictions in society. A progressive society longs for radical change, “a social revolution to achieve a kingdom of wealth and prosperity for the whole society.” Terror becomes one of the means to achieve political goals. This means of political struggle is particularly popular among students, who have always been distinguished by social activity. The Young Russia proclamation, compiled by Pyotr Zaichnevsky, a student at Moscow University, recognized murder for the first time in Russia as a means of achieving social and political change. The emerging student movements became increasingly dangerous for the government. “These riots,” it was said about the unrest among students in official publication The Ministry of Public Education teaches young people to disobey authorities. in general to a revolutionary course of action; undermine the authority of government power..." The motto of the revolutionary students in the second half of the 19th century. become the words of Hegel: “Everything that is real is rational, everything that is rational is real.” Their principle is “The end justifies the means.”

Dmitry Karakozov, one of the members of the “Organization” circle, founded by Moscow University volunteer N.A. Ishutin, made an attempt on the life of Alexander II in April 1863. Karakozov missed and was sent to hard labor. And over the course of a number of years, several more attacks were launched against the emperor by members of the People's Will organization, the last of which, carried out on March 1, 1881, was successful.

All this could not but affect the further activities of revolutionary-minded students. This apparently also influenced Alexander Ulyanov. Moreover, at one time Dmitry Karakozov was a student of his father, Ilya Nikolaevich.

Alexander begins to actively participate in the student movement. Even in his first year at the university, he organized the Simbirsk community, created for communication, supporting low-income students, and opening a library with public funds. In 1886, student communities united into the Union of Community Associations of St. Petersburg, and Ulyanov became a member of its Council. He was a suitable candidate for the role of leader. “He was an orator of amazing brilliance, amazing power, passionate and overwhelming the enemy with argumentation, ridicule, enormous erudition...” the writer A. S. Serafimovich, who studied with him, spoke of Alexander. “He was an excellent organizer, he dug into every new person, somehow quickly internally, as if in his hands, he turned him over in all directions, looked at him and, if he was good, he knew how to attract him, if he was not good, he threw him away.”

At the same time as participating in the work of the Council, Ulyanov became interested in a new science for him - economics, and joined the economics circle of the university. At this time, he studied not only the classics of political economy, but also everything that was published in the “Notes of the Fatherland” of that period - “Economic wanderings” by Chervinsky, “Lateral trades” by Lensky. He no longer has time for natural sciences.

Alexander not only reads a lot of economic and political literature. He wants to be active. Therefore, he, together with the activists of the economic circle, on November 17, 1886, organized a seemingly peaceful student demonstration on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Dobrolyubov’s death, declared as a memorial service at the grave of the Russian writer. But the number of those gathered - 1,500 people who marched across St. Petersburg from the Nikolaevsky station to the Volkov cemetery - seemed to the city authorities to be an extraordinary gathering, and the procession was stopped. The order to disperse was ignored by the students, and Mayor Gesser had to involve city troops in dispersing the demonstrators. In response to this, A. Ulyanov, the very next day, composes a proclamation “November 17 in St. Petersburg,” where he expresses all his indignation at the existing system and order, in which “any honoring of any progressive literary and public figures, any statement of respect and gratitude to them even over their coffin, there is an insult and a hostile demonstration to the government."

This is where Alexander Ulyanov comes to the idea of ​​the need for more decisive measures. He is attracted to the idea of ​​committing an assassination attempt on the emperor. Terror was recognized as the solution to all existing problems. Ulyanov puts together a group of like-minded people, devoting several reliable students to his plans - Orest Govorukhin, Pakhomiy Andreyushkin, Vasily Generalov. At the end of 1886, he learns from his friend Pyotr Shevyrev about an already existing terrorist group. Having received an invitation to enter it, he naturally agrees. Now he could act. The organization was small. In addition to Ulyanov and Shevyrev, it also included I. Lukashevich, S. Nikonov, O. Govorukhin. A little later, its ranks were replenished. Several more students decided to go “in the bomb department” - Vasily Osipanov, Mikhail Kancher, Pyotr Gorkun and Generalov and Andreyushkin, already trained by Ulyanov. Alexander draws up the group’s program, which he calls the program of the terrorist faction of the Narodnaya Volya party. Almost all the political demands presented in it were borrowed from the program of the Executive Committee of the People's Will, the most significant revolutionary organization of the late 70s - early 80s of the 19th century, which was dispersed after the last, eleventh attempt on the life of Alexander II in March 1881. The program included “propagation” and organizational and educational activities, although the main one was still terrorist. Regicide was seen as a way to disorganize the government and raise the "revolutionary spirit of the people." The plan was to collect as much as possible more people, “to attract all those who are dissatisfied to their organization” in order to create several combat cells - signalmen and throwers. The responsibilities of some included tracking the “object”, while others had to directly implement their plans. Ulyanov believed that they would not be able to organize an extensive terrorist network due to lack of funds. But they managed to create at least one group.

The group of signalmen was led by Pyotr Shevyrev. Lukashevich and Ulyanov set about creating projectiles. Putting you in danger own lives, they prepared two bombs filled with mercury fulminate. It was risky to prepare dynamite in St. Petersburg itself - this could entail the disclosure of their far-reaching plans. Therefore, in February, Alexander Ulyanov goes to visit his university friend M. Novorussky on the outskirts of Pargolovo. Having prepared 3.5 pounds of dynamite in three days, he returned to the capital in the middle of the month. Soon after this, Shevyrev was forced to go south due to worsening tuberculosis. Ulyanov takes control of the organization. This is not to say that it was easy for him. He became very thoughtful, often sitting motionless, “resting his head on both hands, with deep sadness on his face and his gaze directed into the distance. And the closer it was to the denouement, the gloomier and gloomier he became...” I.D. later recalled. Lukashevich.

In the twentieth of February, the final preparations for the terrorist attack were completed. Nevsky Prospekt was chosen as the venue. On February 25, Ulyanov and his comrades gathered at Kancher’s apartment, where they worked the smallest details future assassination attempt, clarified the placement of each person on the street, his duties and conditional signals. No one doubted success, so they immediately, in advance, composed a proclamation that began with the words: “The spirit of the Russian land lives, and the truth has not faded away in the hearts of its sons. Emperor Alexander was executed...” Starting from February 26, terrorist students went out to Nevsky Prospekt every day in the hope of ambushing the emperor. But neither on this day nor on the next two days of February the imperial crew appeared. The final deadline was set for March 1, the sixth anniversary of the assassination attempt on Alexander II. On the appointed day, members of the terrorist faction's combat group took up their positions on the streets of the city. But they never waited for Alexander III. At about 11 a.m. on March 1, just as the emperor was about to leave the Anichkov Palace across Nevsky Prospekt to the Peter and Paul Cathedral, six of them were arrested. These were the “throwers” ​​Andreyushkin, Osipanov and Generalov and the “signalmen” – Kancher, Gorkun and Volokhov.

Two days later, a message appeared in the Government Gazette: “On March 1st, on Nevsky Prospect at about 11 o’clock in the morning, 3 students of St. Petersburg University were detained, and explosive shells were found during a search. The detainees stated that they belonged to a secret criminal community, and the selected shells, when examined by an expert, turned out to be loaded with dynamite and lead bullets filled with strychnine.” The information was downplayed because the authorities, having learned about the true scale and goals of the organization’s activities, were horrified. It was decided not to disclose the details of the case.

The failure of the assassination attempt was explained simply. At the end of February, the St. Petersburg police intercepted a letter from Andreyushkin to student Nikitin in Kharkov, in which some of the political ideas of the terrorist faction “Narodnaya Volya” were inadvertently communicated. Having established “continuous and most careful surveillance” of Andreyushkin, the police soon discovered his connections with the rest of the terrorists.

On the same day, those arrested gave their first testimony that they “planned on the life of the Emperor.” Kancher and Gorkun, who joined the group by chance, already from the second interrogation told everything they knew about this case. Ulyanov's name was mentioned as one of the leaders of the assassination attempt.

Alexander waited all day for news about the results of the terrorist attack and, having received nothing, came to Generalov in the evening. The police were already waiting for him there.

Thus began the process “On the plan for the life of the sacred person of the Sovereign Emperor, discovered on March 1,” better known as the “Second First March.” The search and arrests of everyone who was at least somewhat involved in the assassination attempt began immediately. The police intensively searched for Shevyrev in Kharkov, where his father lived, and in Crimea. The director of the Police Department, Durnovo, sent telegrams: “It is necessary to turn the whole city upside down and all the areas where Shevyrev may be located, and arrest him.” On March 7, he was detained in Yalta.

An inquiry began, which Alexander III himself watched with great interest. A total of 79 people were involved in the case. Ulyanov was interrogated six times. At first he refused to testify, but then, realizing that it was useless to deny, he decided to take all the blame on himself in order to shield his comrades as much as possible. “I admit my guilt in that I belonged to the terrorist organization of the People’s Will party faction, and took part in the plan to take the life of the Sovereign Emperor,” he said in a written confession. – My participation was expressed in the following: in February of this year... I prepared some parts of explosive projectiles intended to fulfill this plan, namely: part of nitric acid for preparing dynamite and part of white dynamite, the quantity of which I refuse to determine; then I prepared part of the lead bullets intended for loading the shells, for which I cut the lead and bent the bullets from it, but did not fill the bullets with strychnine.” Alexander Ulyanov did not deny that he knew who was supposed to carry out the assassination attempt, but, he continued in his confession, “who these people were, who delivered the shells to me and to whom I returned them, who stuffed the shells with dynamite with me, I cannot name or explain.” Wish; I did not participate in the preparation of the third shell, and did not keep it; I know that there were three shells, at least I didn’t hear that there were more shells. I don’t want to give any explanations about any persons, as well as about those now called to me Andreyushkin, Generalov, Osipanov and Lukashevich. I cannot determine the exact time appointed for carrying out the assassination attempt, and I refuse to do it approximately at the present time.” He defined his role as a leader as follows: “I was neither the initiator nor the organizer of the plan for the life of the sovereign emperor,” but later explains these words by the fact that “in this matter there was no one specific initiator and leader.” He did not deny that he saw the only means for achieving certain “economic ideals” in the terrorist struggle, which, in his opinion, “would force the government to make some concessions in favor of the most pronounced demands of society.” “Terror is the form of defense to which a minority can resort, strong only in spiritual strength and the consciousness of its rightness against the consciousness of the physical strength of the majority.”

Soon they learned about Alexander’s arrest in Simbirsk. Maria Alexandrovna immediately leaves for St. Petersburg. On March 28, she writes a petition addressed to the emperor. Alexander III makes a resolution on it: “It seems to me desirable to give her a meeting with her son, so that she can be convinced of what kind of person this dear son of hers is, and show her the testimony of her son, so that she can see what his beliefs are.” The meeting was touching. Alexander cried and hugged his mother’s knees, asking her to forgive him for the grief he had caused, telling her about his duty to his homeland, which forced him to neglect his duty to his family.

April 15th started trial. 15 people accused of an attempt on the life of the emperor appeared before the court of the special presence of the Governing Senate. A. Ulyanov refused a government defender and himself made a speech in his defense, in which, instead of repentance and attempts to justify himself, he spoke about his convictions and the reasons that pushed him along this path of struggle against the autocracy. His speech amazed everyone. “How well Sasha spoke: so convincingly, so eloquently,” recalled the mother who was present at the court hearing. “I didn’t think he could talk like that.”

According to the court verdict announced on April 19, all 15 defendants were sentenced to death penalty by hanging. Maria Alexandrovna tried to convince her son to apply for clemency. “I can’t do this after everything I admitted at the trial,” Alexander replied. “After all, it would be insincere.” But after much persuasion, he still wrote a petition: “Your Imperial Majesty! I am fully aware that the nature and properties of the act I committed and my attitude towards it do not give me either the right or the moral basis to turn to Your Majesty with a request for leniency in the form of easing my fate. But I have a mother whose health has deteriorated greatly in recent days, and executing a death sentence on me would expose her life to the gravest danger. In the name of my mother and young brothers and sisters, who, having no father, find their only support in her, I decide to ask Your Majesty to replace the death penalty with some other punishment. This indulgence will restore the strength and health of my mother and return her to the family for which her life is so precious, and will save me from the painful consciousness that I will be the cause of the death of my mother and the misfortune of my entire family.” This was not at all what was expected of him. There was no repentance for what they had done, no humiliated request, no identification of loyal feelings. The petition was considered in the special presence of the Governing Senate, where it was decided that it “does not deserve respect.” It did not reach Alexander III. The government report indicated that Ulyanov did not file a petition for pardon.

For ten convicts, the death penalty was replaced by hard labor and settlement in Siberia. The sentence for A. Ulyanov, P. Shevyrev, V. Osipanov, V. Generalov and P. Andreyushkin, who were also included in the list of those who did not file a petition, remained in force. These five were escorted to the Shlisselburg fortress. The execution took place in the prison yard at dawn on May 8, 1887. Ulyanov was only 21 years old.

And twenty years later, the armed people under the leadership of the party created by his younger brother Volodya will sweep away the autocracy and destroy the very idea of ​​​​tsarist power in Russia.

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Arrested while preparing an assassination attempt on Russian Emperor Alexander III; By the verdict of the Special Presence of the Governing Senate, he was executed by hanging.

Biography

Born into the family of a famous teacher (actual state councilor) Ilya Nikolaevich Ulyanov in Nizhny Novgorod.

Education

In 1874-1883 he studied at the Simbirsk classical gymnasium. In high school, he showed a penchant for natural sciences, especially chemistry, “which he studied according to Mendeleev, having acquired a small home laboratory.” He graduated from high school with a gold medal.

In 1883 he entered the natural sciences department of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of St. Petersburg University, where he showed great scientific abilities.

In 1886, in his third year, he received a gold medal for his scientific work on invertebrate zoology: “On the segmental and sexual organs of freshwater Annulata,” based on materials he collected independently in the summer of 1885.

Scientific societies

He participated in the activities of the biological circle organized by students of the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics, its core was formed around him, the meetings of the circle took place in his apartment on the St. Petersburg side.

In 1886, he joined the student Scientific and Literary Society of Professor of Russian Literature O. F. Miller and was unanimously elected as its chief secretary. He was also a member of the economic circle that existed at the university under the leadership of A. V. Ghisetti.

Revolutionary activities

He participated in illegal student meetings and demonstrations, and conducted propaganda in a workers’ circle.

In December 1886, together with P. Ya. Shevyrev, he organized the “Terrorist Faction” of the “People’s Will” party, which united mainly students of St. Petersburg University and was organizationally independent from other Narodnaya Volya groups, maintaining contacts with them. Members of the “faction” were influenced both, on the one hand, by the works of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, Georgy Plekhanov, and by the program documents of Narodnaya Volya itself, on the other.

In February 1887, Ulyanov drew up a program for the “Terrorist Faction.” The proceeds from the sale of his gold medal were used to purchase explosives for the bomb.

On March 1, 1887, the “Terrorist Faction” planned to carry out an assassination attempt on Alexander III, but the attempt was prevented, and the organizers and participants, numbering 15 people, were arrested.

Together with other organizers of the assassination attempt, Alexander Ulyanov was imprisoned in the Political Prison of the Peter and Paul Fortress, where he remained until his transfer to the Shlisselburg Fortress, where he was subsequently executed.

Trial and execution

On April 15-19, 1887, a trial took place at which Ulyanov, Shevyrev, Andreyushkin, Generalov and Osipanov were sentenced to death, and the rest, including Bronislaw Pilsudski (Józef Pilsudski’s older brother), who prepared explosives for Alexander Ulyanov in Vilna assassination attempts on the king different deadlines hard labor and further exile.

Alexander's mother, Maria Alexandrovna, wrote a petition to Alexander III for pardon and received permission to visit her son.

Alexander Ulyanov himself was asked to ask the emperor for mercy. According to prosecutor Knyazev, who was present at the last meeting between mother and son, Alexander rejected this proposal at this meeting, saying the following:

“Imagine, mom, two people are facing each other in a duel. One has already shot at his opponent, the other has not yet, and the one who has already shot asks the enemy not to use the weapon. No, I can't do that."

Alexander Ulyanov - Lenin's brother - was almost always in the shadow of his more famous relative. But I wonder how the course of history would have turned if it were not for young Volodya’s vow to avenge Sasha, who was executed by the Tsar. It was then that the future leader of the world proletariat said his most famous phrase: “We will take a different path.”

Childhood and youth

Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov was born in Nizhny Novgorod on March 31, 1866. When he was 3 years old, the family moved to Simbirsk. Alexander’s father, Ilya Nikolaevich, initially held the position of inspector of public schools, and after 5 years he was promoted and took the place of directorate manager. Mother, Maria Alexandrovna, came from an intelligent family and knew several foreign languages. It was she who taught her children to read and write. In total, Maria Alexandrovna had 8 children, two of them died in infancy.

Sasha learned to read quite early, namely at the age of 4. When he turned eight, his home schooling was completed and he entered the Simbirsk gymnasium. Starting already from junior classes According to his fellow students, he was very popular at school. This is evidenced by the fact that the gymnasium graduation, which took place in 1883, was called the “Ulyanov class”.

It must be said that Alexander Ulyanov was brought up on classical Russian literature. He loved to read the works of Pushkin, Dostoevsky, Tolstoy, Nekrasov. In addition, while still in high school, he began to become seriously interested in natural science, in particular zoology. But Sasha's real passion was chemistry. When he was 16 years old, he independently equipped himself with a kind of chemical laboratory, where he spent his free time, often staying overnight.

As we can see, young Alexander Ulyanov was an extremely advanced boy beyond his years, very serious and immersed in his studies. Based on this, many predicted a great future for him, certainly connected with science.

Student years

Alexander, having graduated from a classical gymnasium and received a gold medal, in 1883 easily entered St. Petersburg University. He becomes a student at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics. By the way, this university was already at that time not only one of best universities, but also the largest scientific center in the Russian Empire.

The first two years of his studies in the capital, Alexander Ulyanov spent all his time attending lectures and studying scientific research. He was one of the most beloved students of D.I. Mendeleev, so he was a regular in the chemical laboratory, where he could often be seen sitting at a microscope. At that time he did not even think about politics.

At the end of his second year, he finally decided on his choice of specialization - he was most interested in He spent course research, for which he was awarded a gold medal, which widely opened the doors to real scientific activity for him. Then no one doubted that the most talented student Ulyanov would remain at the university and eventually received a professorship.

It was Alexander’s scientific successes that greatly contributed to increasing his popularity among students. Soon he joined the Scientific and Literary Society at St. Petersburg University. On the initiative of Prince Golitsyn, Count Heyden and other reactionary students, this organization acquired the opposite impulse. A group of students with pronounced revolutionary views began to have a huge influence on him.

Gradually, Alexander began to participate in all illegal student meetings and demonstrations, as well as conduct revolutionary propaganda in the workers' circle. At the end of 1886, together with his comrade Shevyrev, he organized the so-called terrorist faction in the Narodnaya Volya party.

Assassination

The assassination of Emperor Alexander III was planned for March 1, 1887. It was organized by that same terrorist faction. Original plan intended to shoot the king, but later he was decisively rejected. Then the idea arose to throw bombs, and Andreyushkin and Gerasimov expressed a desire to do this.

After numerous attempts on the life of the emperor, the authorities began to pay especially close attention to those students who constantly participated in illegal demonstrations, and the police often opened their correspondence. One of these letters spoke of a merciless terror that was to be committed in the near future. This message was addressed to a certain Nikitin. The police gradually began to unravel the thread of the conspiracy against the emperor. Thus, the assassination attempt on his comrades was discovered and prevented.

Trial

It is known that from April 15 to April 19, court hearings took place, which took place behind closed doors. Only ministers, their associates, senators, members of the State Council and persons belonging to the highest bureaucracy were allowed to attend them. Even the relatives and friends of the defendants were not only not allowed into the courtroom, but were not even allowed to visit them.

Several dozen people were arrested for the assassination attempt on the emperor, but only 15 of them were brought to trial. Among them was Alexander Ulyanov, Lenin’s brother. Initially, it was required for all convicts, but a little later, for eight defendants, this very severe sentence was replaced by other punishments. The Emperor signed the verdict of only five accused, on the list of which, in addition to Shevyrev, Osipanov, Generalov and Andreyushkin, Alexander Ulyanov was also included. The rest were assigned different terms imprisonment, as well as exile to Siberia.

Execution of revolutionaries

As you know, Alexander’s mother wrote a letter to the Russian Emperor, where she asked his permission to meet with her son. Historians are inclined to think that, most likely, the convict had the opportunity to file a petition for clemency, but for some reason this was not done. Therefore, on May 8 (20), the execution of Alexander Ulyanov and his associates took place. They were hanged on the premises

Execution of Alexander Ulyanov

Execution of Alexander Ulyanov


By 1887 in major cities In Russia there were separate circles, small organizations consisting mainly of students. Their members did not have a thorough theoretical training, revolutionary experience and sufficient endurance. Political circles were isolated from each other and acted according to own plan. A noticeable mark on the revolutionary movement of the second half of the 1880s was left by the circle of Ulyanov, Shevyrev, Lukashevich and others. Their program is an attempt to reconcile the theory and practice of Narodnaya Volya with social democracy and give “ scientific explanation"terror. The idea of ​​drawing up a program arose in the circle, according to A. Ulyanov, approximately in the second half of December 1886.

Then, having gathered his friends and sister Anna at the apartment, young Sasha Ulyanov explained to them his thoughts, which boiled down to the following: “In the fight against revolutionaries, the government uses extreme measures of intimidation, therefore the intelligentsia was forced to resort to the form of struggle indicated by the government, then there is terror. Terror is, therefore, a clash between the government and the intelligentsia, from which the possibility of peaceful cultural influence on social life. Terror must act systematically and, by disorganizing the government, will have a huge psychological impact: it will raise the revolutionary spirit of the people... The faction stands for the decentralization of the terrorist struggle, let the wave of red terror spread widely throughout the province, where the system of intimidation is even more needed as a protest against administrative oppression.” .

Thus, Sasha Ulyanov’s proposals were more dashing than the attempts of the current Italian “Red Brigades” and the German “Rot Armee Faction”. In fact, it was a call for mass murder of everyone who did not like the Ulyanov brother and sister. The boys enthusiastically accepted the calls of their twenty-year-old leader and began preparing the first terrorist attack. To some extent, one can understand these provincial romantics who lived in an atmosphere of philistinism and despondency. But to go out into the streets and start killing people...

The first step was to kill the king (it was he who was the tasty morsel in the eyes of the young people). The original plan to shoot the Tsar was rejected and they decided to throw bombs. Their preparation required a special room, dynamite, mercury and nitric acid, which at first were prepared in a “home” way. Gerasimov and Andreyushkin expressed a desire to throw bombs. However, from the day of the first terrorist attacks by the Ishutinites, the authorities began to pay close attention to “pale young men with burning eyes,” especially those who distinguished themselves at demonstrations. And, in particular, they did not hesitate to illustrate their letters. So, one day, having opened a letter addressed to a certain Nikitin, a Kharkov police officer almost fell out of his chair after reading the following passage: “The most merciless terror is possible in our country, and I firmly believe that it will happen, and even in a short time.”

The name of the correspondent, a St. Petersburg friend of Andreyushkin, an active member of the faction, was shaken out of Nikitin. The police launched a meticulous operation to identify all characters impending terrorist attack. They established round-the-clock surveillance of the apartment of the bloodthirsty Andreyushkin and all its visitors. Meanwhile, the gendarmes received alarming information about the impending assassination attempt only on February 28, if you trust the most reliable report of their chief. On March 1, the Minister of Internal Affairs, Count D. Tolstoy, informed the Tsar: “Yesterday, the head of the St. Petersburg secret department received information through intelligence that a circle of criminals intends to carry out terrorist attack and that for this purpose these persons have at their disposal projectiles brought to St. Petersburg ready-made by “visitors” from Kharkov.” Meanwhile, the terrorists decided to go hunting for the Tsar on March 1, and if the assassination attempt fails on that day, the Tsar will go south , then follow him and kill him along the way. However, the police also remembered this date - March 1 - too memorable for both the government and the revolutionaries, so the head of the secret department, without waiting for the tsar’s resolution, ordered the immediate arrest of the persons tracked down by the agents. , hardly assuming that these were the terrorists about whom he had already been warned.

On March 1, 1887, three students, Osipanov, Andreyushkin and Generalov, were captured with explosive shells on Nevsky Prospekt. The “frank testimony” of signalmen (Kancher and Gorkun) who were arrested at the same time allowed the gendarmes to quickly identify the participants in the terrorist organization and the leading role in it of students Alexander Ulyanov and Shevyrev. In total, 25 people were arrested in the first days of March, and later another 49 people. Fifteen people were put on trial, and the remaining cases were resolved administratively. The police department immediately drew up a report on the arrest of the terrorists and sent it to the Tsar, signed by Tolstoy, with a brief notice of the conspiracy and small biographical information about those arrested. “This time God saved us,” the king wrote in the report, “but for how long? “Thank you to all the police officers who do not sleep and act successfully - send everything you learn more.” At first, the king did not attach much importance to the students’ prank. When, “in order to avoid exaggerated rumors,” Count Tolstoy on March 1 asked the sovereign for permission to print a special notice, the tsar wrote a resolution on the report:

“I completely approve and in general it is advisable not to attach too much of great importance these arrests. In my opinion, it would be better, having learned everything possible from them, not to bring them to trial, but simply send them to the Shlisselburg fortress without any fuss - this is the most severe and unpleasant punishment. Alexander". However, having become more familiar with the activities of the faction, the king changed his mind. Thus, he was presented with the “Program of the Terrorist Faction of the Narodnaya Volya Party,” personally written by Alexander Ulyanov. And the first resolution that the tsar put on it was: “This is a note not even from a madman, but from a pure idiot.”

The “final requirements” necessary “to ensure the political and economic independence of the people and their free development” were reduced by Ulyanov to 8 points.

1. A permanent government of the people, freely elected by direct and universal suffrage.

2. Broad local self-government.

3. Independence of the community as an economic and administrative unit.

4. Complete freedom of conscience, speech, press, meetings and movements.

5. Nationalization of land.

6. Nationalization of factories, factories and instruments of production.

7. Replacement of the standing army with the zemstvo militia.

8. Free initial training.

The main task of the faction was the elimination of Alexander III. (“The purest commune,” added Alexander III. He, apparently, still could not understand why, for the sake of all this nonsense, it was necessary to kill him.) The next day, the chief of gendarmes presented a “draft government message.” “On March 1, on Nevsky Prospekt at about 11 o’clock in the morning, three students of St. Petersburg University were detained, and explosive shells were found during a search. The detainees stated that they belonged to a secret criminal community, and the selected shells, upon examination by their expert, turned out to be loaded with dynamite and lead bullets filled with strychnine.” Alexander III recognized this message as “completely sufficient.” When collecting materials, the gendarmes did not stop at any difficulties and did not hesitate to use any means.

As a result of this, they received detailed testimony from signalmen Kancher and Gorkun. This service was appreciated by the court and the tsar himself, who wrote an inscription on the death sentence presented to him for 15 people with a petition to commute the punishment for some of the convicts. “Quite rightly, I believe that Kancher and Gorkun could have had their sentences reduced further for their frank testimony and repentance.”

A huge amount of “work” was going on in the police department itself in St. Petersburg. The detectives needed to reveal the surname of a member of a terrorist organization, who was known to have the patronymic “Sergeevich.” To facilitate such a search, the police department wrote down from its records the names and surnames of all persons who had this patronymic. The result was a huge list of 16 pages, indicating for what case each person on the list was involved. Another list, shorter, contained information about the “Sergeevichs” who were brought to justice in various political cases. The trial on March 1, 1887 took place at behind closed doors. Only ministers, their comrades, members of the State Council, senators and specially listed persons from the highest bureaucracy were allowed to enter the courtroom. In this respect, the trial of March 1, 1887 was a far cry from the trial of March 1, 1881, at which representatives of the press were present and stenographic notes were taken during the trial.

The closest relatives of the defendants were not allowed not only to enter the courtroom, but also to visit them. So, for example, the following resolution was imposed on Ulyanov’s mother’s request to allow her to visit her son: “If Mrs. Ulyanov complies, announce that visits are not allowed.”

It is characteristic that instead of responding to Ulyanova’s petition, the director of the police department ordered to respond only in the event of a new appeal. It should also be noted the fate of Ulyanova’s petition to mitigate the fate of her son Alexander Ilyich Ulyanov and daughter Anna Ilyinichna Ulyanova. The mother asked the Comrade Minister of the Interior to forward her request to the Tsar. However, Orzhevsky forwarded this request instead of the tsar to the special presence of the Senate, where the matter was received. The Minister of Internal Affairs received a report from the police department about each court hearing. The Minister of Justice submitted written reports to the Tsar about each meeting. Police Department reports confirm that Senator Dreyer lived up to his expectations. For example, he did not give Ulyanov the opportunity to talk about his attitude to terrorism. The report noted Ulyanov's attempts to defend the defendant Novorussky. He tried to prove that Novorussky could not have guessed about the manufacture of explosives in his apartment. With visible pleasure, the Minister of the Interior was informed that “the speeches of the defenders were brief and very decent.” This gendarmerie praise does not honor the defenders, but at the same time characterizes the conditions in which the defense was placed.

Of the several dozen brought to justice in the case on March 1, 1887, 15 people were put on trial: Ulyanov Alexander, Osipanov, Andreyushkin, Generalov, Shevyrev, Lukashevich, Novorussky, Ananina, Pilsudsky Bronislav, Pashkovsky, Shmidova, Kancher, Gorkun, Volokhov and Serdyukova. Of these accused, 12 were students. All defendants were sentenced to death, but the special presence of the Senate petitioned for eight defendants to commute the death penalty to other punishments. Alexander III approved the death sentence for five convicts, namely Ulyanov, Shevyrev, Generalov, Osipanov and Andreyushkin. Lukashevich and Novorussky were imprisoned for life in the Shlisselburg fortress and stayed there for 18 years each, until the 1905 revolution freed them. Ananyina was exiled to the Kara for 20 years, Pilsudski, upon confirmation, was sent to Sakhalin for 15 years. The four convicts were sentenced to 10 years of hard labor instead of the death penalty. Shmidova was exiled to Siberia for a settlement, and Serdyukova, found guilty of non-reporting, was imprisoned for 2 years.

An interesting detail: due to the absence of an executioner in St. Petersburg, an encrypted telegram was sent to the Warsaw chief of police with a request to send an executioner upon request, and on April 30 the demand followed. “Send out the executioner immediately.” Four days later, five sentenced to execution and two to life imprisonment were taken from the Trubetskoy bastion to Shlisselburg. The execution took place on May 8.

On the same day, Count Tolstoy reported to the emperor in writing: “Today in the Shlisselburg prison, according to the verdict of the special presence of the Governing Senate, which took place on April 15-19, state criminals were subjected to the death penalty: Shevyrev, Ulyanov, Osipanov, Andreyushkin and Generalov.

According to information provided by the prosecutor of the St. Petersburg district court, Shcheglovitov, who carried out the Senate sentence, the convicts, due to their transfer to the Shlisselburg prison, assumed that they had been granted pardon. Nevertheless, when it was announced to them half an hour before the execution, namely at 3? o'clock in the morning, about the upcoming execution of the sentence, they all remained completely calm and refused to confess and receive the holy mysteries. Due to the fact that the location of the Shlisselburg prison did not provide the opportunity to execute all five at the same time, the scaffold was built for three people. The first to be taken out for execution were Generalov, Andreyushkin and Osipanov. After hearing the verdict, they said goodbye to each other, venerated the cross and cheerfully entered the scaffold, after which Generalov and Andreyushkin said in a loud voice: “Long live the People's Will!” Osipanov intended to do the same, but did not have time, because he a bag was thrown in. After removing the corpses of the executed criminals, Shevyrev and Ulyanov were brought out, who also cheerfully and calmly entered the scaffold, and Ulyanov kissed the cross, and Shevyrev pushed away the priest’s hand. there is no mark.

The execution of the death sentence and the imprisonment of the convicts in hard labor prisons was not the end of the extensive paperwork in the trial on March 1, 1887; the administrative reprisal against many of those arrested continued, and it began even before the judicial reprisal. Already on April 8, the “highest” order was issued to exile Anna Ulyanova to Eastern Siberia for 5 years.