National conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Karabakh conflict: Origins, causes, consequences

National conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Karabakh conflict: Origins, causes, consequences

On the night of April 2, 2016 in Nagorno-Karabakh On the line of contact between the conflicting parties, violent clashes between Armenian and NKR military personnel and the Azerbaijani army took place; the parties accused each other of violating the truce. According to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, as a result of the fighting on April 2-3, at least 33 people (18 Armenian soldiers, 12 Azerbaijani and 3 civilians) were killed and more than 200 were injured.

On April 5, the conflicting parties agreed to cease fire from 11:00 Moscow time.

Region data

Nagorno-Karabakh is an administrative-territorial entity located in the Transcaucasus between Azerbaijan and Armenia. A self-proclaimed republic, not recognized by any UN member state. Territory - 4.4 thousand square meters. km, population - 148 thousand 900 people, the vast majority are Armenians. Administrative center– Stepanakert (Khankendi - Azerbaijani version of the name of the city). Since 1921, the region, as an administrative-territorial unit, has been part of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic with the rights of broad autonomy. In 1923 it received the status of an autonomous region (NKAO) consisting of Azerbaijan SSR. Region long time was the subject of a territorial dispute between Armenia and Azerbaijan. According to the 1926 census, the share of Armenians among the population of Nagorno-Karabakh was 94% (out of 125.2 thousand people), according to the latest Soviet census of 1989 - 77% (out of 189 thousand). IN Soviet period Armenia has repeatedly raised the issue of transferring Nagorno-Karabakh under its jurisdiction, but has not received support from Moscow.

Continuation

Beginning of the conflict

In 1987, a campaign to collect signatures for reunification with Armenia began in Nagorno-Karabakh. At the beginning of 1988, 75 thousand signatures were transferred to the Central Committee of the CPSU, which caused an extremely negative reaction from the authorities of the Azerbaijan SSR.

On February 20, 1988, the regional council of the NKAO addressed the Supreme Council (SC) of the USSR and the Supreme Councils of the Azerbaijan and Armenian Union Republics with a request to consider the issue of transferring the region to Armenia. The Soviet leadership regarded this request as a manifestation of nationalism. In June of the same year, the Armed Forces of Armenia agreed to the entry of NKAO into the republic; Azerbaijan, in turn, declared this decision illegal.

On July 12, 1988, the regional council of Nagorno-Karabakh announced its secession from Azerbaijan. In response, on July 18, the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Council adopted a resolution stating the impossibility of transferring the NKAO to Armenia.

Since September 1988, armed clashes began between Armenians and Azerbaijanis, which turned into a protracted conflict. In January 1989, by decision of the Presidium of the USSR Armed Forces, NKAO was introduced direct control by the Union leadership. On December 1, 1989, the councils of the Armenian SSR and NKAO adopted a resolution on the “reunification” of the republic and the region. However, in January 1990, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR declared it unconstitutional.

At the beginning of 1990, fighting began on the Armenian-Azerbaijani border with the use of artillery. On January 15, 1990, Moscow introduced into the NKAO and surrounding areas state of emergency. In April-May 1991 internal troops USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs and units Soviet army carried out Operation Ring in the region with the goal of disarming “Armenian illegal armed groups.”

Armed conflict 1991-1994

On August 30, 1991, a declaration was adopted to restore the independence of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Nagorno-Karabakh became part of Azerbaijan.

On September 2, 1991, at a joint session of the Nagorno-Karabakh regional and Shaumyan district councils, the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) was proclaimed within the USSR. It included the territories of NKAO, Shaumyanovsky district and later - part of the Khanlar region of Azerbaijan. This marked the beginning of an open armed confrontation between Armenia and Azerbaijan for control of the region in 1991-1994. The Karabkha conflict became the first major armed confrontation in the post-Soviet space.

On December 10, 1991, at a referendum on the status of the NKR, 99.98% of its participants spoke in favor of the independence of the region, but neither the Soviet leadership nor the world community recognized the results of the plebiscite.

On December 19-27, 1991, in connection with the collapse of the Soviet Union, internal troops of the USSR Ministry of Internal Affairs were withdrawn from Nagorno-Karabakh. The situation in the conflict zone is completely out of control. On January 6, 1992, the NKR Supreme Council adopted the Declaration “On the State Independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic.”

The fighting escalated in May 1992, when Karabakh self-defense units took control of the city of Shusha, from which Azerbaijani troops regularly bombed Stepanakert and surrounding villages.

At the beginning of the conflict, the NKR was surrounded by Azerbaijani regions on almost all sides, which allowed Azerbaijan to establish an economic blockade of the region back in 1989. On May 18, 1992, Armenian forces broke the blockade in the Lachin area, establishing communications between Karabakh and Armenia (the “Lachin Corridor”). In turn, in the summer of 1992, Azerbaijani troops established control over the northern part of the NKR. In the spring of 1993, the Karabakh Defense Army, with the support of Armenia, was able to create a second corridor connecting the NKR with the republic.

In 1994, the NKR defense forces established practical complete control over the autonomy (92.5% of the former NKAO), and also occupied, in whole or in part, seven border Azerbaijani regions (8% of the territory of Azerbaijan). In turn, Azerbaijan retained control over part of the Martuni, Martakert and Shaumyan regions of the NKR (15% of the declared territory of the NKR). According to various estimates, the losses of the Azerbaijani side during the conflict ranged from 4 to 11 thousand killed, and the Armenian side from 5 to 6 thousand people. The wounded on both sides number in the tens of thousands, and hundreds of thousands of civilians have become refugees.

Negotiation process

Attempts to resolve the conflict peacefully have been made since 1991.

On September 23, 1991, in Zheleznovodsk (Stavropol Territory), the leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Armenia signed a communiqué on ways to achieve peace in Karabakh. In March 1992, on the initiative of Moscow, the OSCE Minsk Group was established, which included representatives of 12 countries. The co-chairs of the group were Russia, the USA and France.

On May 5, 1994, with the mediation of Russia and Kyrgyzstan, a truce and ceasefire agreement, known as the Bishkek Protocol, was concluded between the parties to the conflict. The document came into force on May 12, 1994. The truce was observed without the intervention of peacekeepers and the participation of third countries.

On November 29, 2007, the OSCE Minsk Group prepared proposals on the basic principles for resolving the conflict (Madrid Document). Among them: the return to Azerbaijan of territories captured during the armed conflict; providing Nagorno-Karabakh with an interim status providing guarantees of security and self-government; providing a corridor connecting Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia, etc.

Since June 2008, regular meetings have been held between the Presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan, Serzh Sargsyan and Ilham Aliyev, on the peaceful resolution of the conflict. The last, 19th meeting took place on December 19, 2015 in Bern (Switzerland).

Positions of the parties

Baku insists on restoring territorial integrity and the return of refugees and internally displaced persons to Nagorno-Karabakh. Only after this does Azerbaijan intend to begin negotiations on determining the status of the NKR. The Azerbaijani authorities are ready to grant the region autonomy within the republic. At the same time, the republic refuses to conduct direct negotiations with Nagorno-Karabakh.

For Armenia, the priority issue is the self-determination of Nagorno-Karabakh (return to Azerbaijan is excluded) and further recognition of its status by the international community.

Incidents after the Armistice

Since the signing of the Bishek Protocol in 1994, the parties to the conflict have repeatedly accused each other of violating the ceasefire, and local incidents involving the use of firearms, but in general the truce remained.

At the end of July - beginning of August 2014, the situation in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict zone sharply worsened. According to the Ministry of Defense of Azerbaijan, in the summer of 2014, 13 servicemen of the Azerbaijani army were killed and there were wounded. Official data on losses on the Armenian side have not been published. In November 2014, according to the Armenian Ministry of Defense, in the conflict zone, the Azerbaijani side shot down a Mi-24 combat helicopter of the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army during a training flight. The helicopter crew died. In turn, the Azerbaijani military claimed that the helicopter attacked their positions and was destroyed by return fire. After this incident, shelling began again on the contact line, and deaths and wounded were reported on both sides. In 2015, the Azerbaijani Ministry of Defense repeatedly reported that Armenian drones were shot down over the positions of the Azerbaijani armed forces. The Armenian Ministry of Defense denied this information.

The Karabakh conflict is an ethnopolitical conflict in the Transcaucasus between Azerbaijanis and Armenians. The intercommunal conflict, which has long-standing historical and cultural roots, acquired new severity during the years of perestroika (1987-1988), against the backdrop of a sharp rise in national movements in Armenia and Azerbaijan. By November - December 1988, as noted by A. N. Yamskov, the majority of residents of both republics were involved in this conflict, and it actually outgrew the scope of the local problem of Nagorno-Karabakh, turning into an “open interethnic confrontation”, which was only temporarily suspended Spitak earthquake. The unpreparedness of the Soviet leadership for adequate political actions in an environment of aggravated interethnic strife, the inconsistency of the measures taken, the declaration by the central authorities of equal guilt of Armenia and Azerbaijan in the creation crisis situation led to the emergence and strengthening of radical anti-communist opposition in both republics.

In 1991-1994, this confrontation led to large-scale military actions for control of Nagorno-Karabakh and some surrounding territories. In terms of the level of military confrontation, it was surpassed only by the Chechen conflict, but, as Svante Cornell noted, “of all the Caucasian conflicts, the Karabakh conflict has the greatest strategic and regional significance. This conflict is the only one on the territory of the former Soviet Union in which two independent states are directly involved. Moreover, in the late 1990s, the Karabakh conflict contributed to the formation of groupings of states opposing each other in the Caucasus and around it.”

On May 5, 1994, the Bishkek Protocol on a truce and ceasefire was signed between Armenia and the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic on the one hand and Azerbaijan on the other.

As G.V. Starovoitova wrote, “from the point of view of international law, this conflict is an example of contradictions between two fundamental principles: on the one hand, the right of the people to self-determination, and on the other hand, the principle of territorial integrity, according to which only a peaceful change of borders is possible according to agreement."

Through a referendum (December 10, 1991), Nagorno-Karabakh tried to gain the right to full independence. The attempt failed, and this region became hostage to the antagonistic claims of Armenia and attempts by Azerbaijan to retain power.
The result of full-scale military operations in Nagorno-Karabakh in 1991 and early 1992 was the complete or partial capture of seven Azerbaijani regions by regular Armenian units. Following this, combat operations using the most modern systems weapons spread to internal Azerbaijan and the Armenian-Azerbaijani border. Thus, until 1994, Armenian troops occupied 20% of the territory of Azerbaijan, destroyed and plundered 877 settlements, while the death toll was about 18 thousand people, and more than 50 thousand wounded and disabled.
In 1994, with the help of Russia, Kyrgyzstan, as well as the CIS Interparliamentary Assembly in Bishkek, Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan signed a protocol on the basis of which a ceasefire agreement was reached. Although, negotiations regarding a peaceful settlement of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict have been ongoing since 1991. The first meeting of representatives of Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan took place back in 1993, and since 1999 there have been regular meetings between the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Despite this, the “degree” of the war remains, because Azerbaijan is trying with all its might to preserve its former territorial integrity, Armenia insists that it protects the interests of Nagorno-Karabakh, which, as an unrecognized republic, is not a party to the negotiations at all.


This three-stage conflict has almost hundred year history and, for now, it is too early to talk about the end of the third stage, and, consequently, the conflict itself. The UN Security Council adopted resolutions from April to November 1993. These resolutions called on the parties to disarmament and peaceful settlement of disputed issues. The result of the war of 1987-1991. is the victory of the Armenian side, the actual independence of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, the “freezing” of the conflict. The cruelty of both sides towards the population of another nationality, gross violations of human rights during operations, torture, arbitrary arrests, detentions. After the defeat of the Azerbaijani side, Armenophobia arose, accompanied by the destruction of monuments of Armenian culture and cemeteries. The losses of both sides, according to various sources, number up to 50,000 people. None of the four UN Security Council resolutions were fully implemented, despite their imperative nature.

This ethno-territorial conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh has a very interesting composition of parties. Essentially, this is a clash of two political camps – Armenian and Azerbaijani. In fact, it is a clash of three political parties: Armenia, Azerbaijan and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (the interests of Yerevan and Stepanakert had significant differences).

The positions of the parties remain contradictory to this day: NKR wants to remain a sovereign state, Azerbaijan insists on the return of the territory, citing compliance with the principle of territorial integrity of the state. Armenia seeks to keep Karabakh under its auspices.

Russia is trying to become a peacemaker in the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. But the Kremlin’s interests do not allow it to become an independent and impartial arbitrator in the Middle East arena. On November 2, 2008, negotiations between the three countries on the settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem took place in Moscow. Russia hopes that Armenian-Azerbaijani negotiations will ensure stability in the Caucasus.

Russia, being a member of the OSCE Minsk Group (a group of OSCE co-chairing countries leading the process of peaceful resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The purpose of this group is to constantly provide a forum for negotiating a crisis situation based on the principles, commitments and provisions of the OSCE. We can talk about the ineffectiveness of this group, since they have fulfilled only one of its functions - a forum for negotiations9), proposed to the negotiators Armenia and Azerbaijan a draft of the basic principles for resolving the conflict - the Madrid Principles.

By the way, according to the 2010 census, 1,182 thousand Armenians live in Russia, and this is the 6th largest nation in Russia. All-Russian public organization uniting the Armenians of Russia is the Union of Armenians of Russia. If we talk about the goals he pursues, then this is the multifaceted development and support of Armenians, both in Russia and in Armenia and NKR.

Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenians prefer to use the ancient name Artsakh) - small area in Transcaucasia. Mountains cut by deep gorges, turning into valleys in the east, small fast rivers, forests below and steppes higher up the mountain slopes, cool climate without sudden temperature changes. Since ancient times, this territory was inhabited by Armenians, was part of various Armenian states and principalities, and there are numerous monuments of Armenian history and culture on its territory.

At the same time, since the 18th century, a significant Turkic population has penetrated here (the term “Azerbaijanis” had not yet been accepted), the territory is part of the Karabakh Khanate, which was ruled by a Turkic dynasty, and the majority of the population were Muslim Turks.

In the first half of the 19th century, as a result of wars with Turkey, Persia and individual khanates, the entire Transcaucasus, including Nagorno-Karabakh, went to Russia. Somewhat later it was divided into provinces without taking into account ethnicity. Thus, at the beginning of the 20th century, Nagorno-Karabakh was part of the Elizavetpol province, most of which was inhabited by Azerbaijanis.

By 1918, the Russian Empire, as a result of well-known revolutionary events fell apart. Transcaucasia became the arena of bloody interethnic struggle, which was restrained for the time being by the Russian authorities (It is worth noting that during the previous weakening of imperial power during the revolution of 1905-1907, Karabakh had already become an arena of clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.). The newly formed state of Azerbaijan laid claim to the entire territory of the former Elizavetpol province. The Armenians, who formed the majority in Nagorno-Karabakh, wanted either to be independent or to join the Armenian Republic. The situation was accompanied by military clashes. Even when both states, Armenia and Azerbaijan, became Soviet republics, a territorial dispute continued between them. It was decided in favor of Azerbaijan, but with reservations: most of the territories with an Armenian population were allocated to the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAO) as part of the Azerbaijan SSR. The reasons why the Union leadership made this decision are unclear. Assumptions include the influence of Turkey (in favor of Azerbaijan), the greater influence of the Azerbaijani “lobby” in the union leadership compared to the Armenian one, Moscow’s desire to maintain a hotbed of tension in order to act as the supreme arbiter, etc.

In Soviet times, the conflict quietly smoldered, breaking through either through petitions from the Armenian public for the transfer of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, or through measures of the Azerbaijani leadership to creepingly oust the Armenian population from the areas adjacent to the autonomous region. The abscess broke out as soon as the union power weakened during “perestroika.”

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh became significant for the Soviet Union. It clearly showed the growing helplessness of the central leadership. He demonstrated for the first time that the Union, which seemed indestructible in accordance with the words of its anthem, could be destroyed. In a way exactly Nagorno-Karabakh conflict became a catalyst for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, its significance extends far beyond the region. It is difficult to say what path the history of the USSR, and therefore the whole world, would have taken if Moscow had found the strength to quickly resolve this dispute.

The conflict began in 1987 with mass rallies of the Armenian population under the slogans of reunification with Armenia. The Azerbaijani leadership, with the support of the Union, unequivocally rejects these demands. Attempts to resolve the situation boil down to holding meetings and issuing documents. In the same year, the first Azerbaijani refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh appeared. In 1988, the first blood was shed - two Azerbaijanis died in a clash with Armenians and the police in locality Askeran. Information about this incident leads to an Armenian pogrom in Azerbaijani Sumgait. This is the first case of mass ethnic violence in the Soviet Union in several decades and the first sound of the death bell for Soviet unity. Then the violence increases, the flow of refugees from both sides increases. The central government is demonstrating helplessness; making real decisions is left to the republican authorities. The actions of the latter (deportations of the Armenian population and the economic blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, the declaration of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of the Armenian SSR by Armenia) are heating up the situation.

Azerbaijani refugees from the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict region, 1993.

Since 1990, the conflict has escalated into a war with the use of artillery. Illegal armed groups are active. The leadership of the USSR is trying to use force (mainly against the Armenian side), but it’s too late - he Soviet Union ceases to exist. Independent Azerbaijan declares Nagorno-Karabakh its part. NKAO proclaims independence within the borders of the autonomous region and the Shaumyan region of the Azerbaijan SSR.

The war lasted until 1994, accompanied by war crimes and heavy civilian casualties on both sides. Many cities were reduced to ruins. On the one hand, the armies of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia took part in it, on the other, the armies of Azerbaijan with the support of Muslim volunteers from different countries peace (Afghan Mujahideen and Chechen militants are usually mentioned). The war ended after decisive victories of the Armenian side, which established control over most of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions of Azerbaijan. After this, the parties agreed to mediation by the CIS (primarily Russia). Since then, a fragile peace has remained in Nagorno-Karabakh, sometimes broken by skirmishes on the border.

The war is over, but the problem is far from resolved.

Azerbaijan firmly insists on its territorial integrity, agreeing to discuss only the autonomy of the republic. The Armenian side equally firmly insists on the independence of Karabakh. The main obstacle to constructive negotiations is the mutual bitterness of the parties. By pitting nations against each other (or at least not preventing the incitement of hatred), the authorities have fallen into a trap - now it is impossible for them to take a step towards the other side without being accused of treason.

The fourth building of the Shusha sanatorium. In 1988, this building housed the 3217 Infantry Regiment to ensure order and peace in Nagorno-Karabakh.

The depth of the gap between peoples is clearly visible in the coverage of the conflict by both sides. There is not even a hint of objectivity. The parties unanimously keep silent about pages of history that are unfavorable for themselves and immensely inflate the crimes of the enemy.

The Armenian side focuses on the historical belonging of the region to Armenia, on the illegality of the inclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh into the Azerbaijan SSR, and on the right of peoples to self-determination. The crimes of Azerbaijanis against the civilian population are depicted - such as pogroms in Sumgait, Baku, etc. Wherein real events acquire clearly exaggerated features - such as the story about mass cannibalism in Sumgait. Azerbaijan's connection with international Islamic terrorism is rising. From the conflict, accusations shift to the structure of the Azerbaijani state in general.

The Azerbaijani side, in turn, emphasizes the long-standing ties between Karabakh and Azerbaijan (remembering the Turkic Karabakh Khanate) and the principle of the inviolability of borders. The crimes of Armenian militants are also remembered, while their own people are completely forgotten. The connection between Armenia and international Armenian terrorism is indicated. Unflattering conclusions are drawn about the world's Armenians as a whole.

In such a situation, it is extremely difficult for international mediators to act, especially considering the fact that the mediators themselves represent different world forces and act in different interests.

The main international group trying to resolve the conflict is the so-called OSCE Minsk Group, chaired by Russia, France and the United States.

In general, the group proposed a choice of three settlement plans - a package, a phased and a comprehensive settlement plan based on the concept of a “common state”. According to the latter, “Nagorno-Karabakh is a state and territorial entity in the form of a Republic and forms a common state with Azerbaijan within its internationally recognized borders” (Quoted from A. Jilavyan, “Karabakh boom.” // “Nezavisimaya Gazeta” dated 02.23.2003). It was assumed that Nagorno-Karabakh would be given broad autonomy, including the right to direct foreign economic activity, the right to a security force (in fact, an army), its own constitution and the issue of its own banknotes. The borders of the republic were established within the NKAO, the border between Nagorno-Karabakh and Azerbaijan was declared open. Karabakh's budget was to be formed from its own sources.

Such autonomy sounded suspiciously like independence, and Azerbaijan rejected the plan, while Armenia and the NKR accepted it.

The United States proposed its plan in 2006, represented by OSCE Minsk Group co-chair Matthew Bryza. It was based on the following principles:

Armenian forces leave occupied Azerbaijani territories outside the former NKAO;

Diplomatic relations between Armenia and Azerbaijan are being normalized;

International peacekeeping forces are stationed in these territories;

A referendum on independence is being held on the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh.

Despite the apparent benefits, this plan raised many questions on the Armenian side.

Firstly, the occupied areas create a “security belt” around the NKR. They contain strategically important heights that allow them to shoot through the territory of the unrecognized republic.

Secondly, the territory of the Lachin and Kelbajar regions, which the Armenians must also leave according to Bryza’s plan, is wedged between Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia. By giving them away, the Karabakh Armenians risk being surrounded.

Thirdly, Armenia stimulated resettlement in the territories of these two regions. What to do with displaced people?

Fourthly, Armenians are interested in the composition of the peacekeeping forces and their real ability keep the parties from violence.

Azerbaijanis are not satisfied with the lack of an obligation to return refugees, as well as the ambiguity in holding a referendum - will the votes of Azerbaijanis who left Karabakh as a result of the conflict be taken into account?

Thus, this plan could not reconcile the parties.

The leaders of Armenia and Azerbaijan met face to face several times to discuss the problem. This happened in 2001 in Paris, and then in Key West (USA) and in 2006 in Paris (Rambouillet Castle). But even in these cases, no agreements could be reached.

Recently, there has been renewed hope for progress in resolving the conflict. Analysts attribute the increased activity of the parties to Five Day War in South Ossetia, which changed the balance of power in the Caucasus (primarily the role of Russia) and clearly demonstrated how “frozen” conflicts can end. Since the end of 2008, Russia has been taking measures to bring the parties together at the negotiating table. In November, Russia managed to achieve the signing of a Declaration on the Non-Use of Force at negotiations in the Moscow region. The document states the readiness of the parties “to contribute to the improvement of the situation in the South Caucasus and the establishment of an environment of stability and security in the region through a political settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict on the principles and norms of international law.” An agreement was also reached to hold direct negotiations in June 2009 between the presidents of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Another regional player is also showing activity - Türkiye, which previously spoke from an extremely pro-Azerbaijani position. Last year, Türkiye made some contacts with the Armenian side for the first time.

Celebration of the 20th anniversary of the independence day of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic / Leadership of Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, clergy. September 2, 2011

At the same time, the parties declare their determination to defend principled positions - the integrity of Azerbaijan and the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, respectively. Given the incompatibility of these positions, it is not very clear what the presidents will talk about in June. Perhaps this conflict will be resolved only when generations change and the intensity of hatred between peoples subsides.

The conflict between Azerbaijan on the one hand, and Armenia and NKR on the other, escalated on April 2, 2016: the parties accused each other of shelling border areas, after which positional battles began. According to the UN, at least 33 people were killed during the fighting.

Nagorno-Karabakh (Armenians prefer to use the ancient name Artsakh) is a small territory in Transcaucasia. Mountains cut by deep gorges, turning into valleys in the east, small fast rivers, forests below and steppes higher up the mountain slopes, a cool climate without sudden temperature changes. Since ancient times, this territory was inhabited by Armenians, was part of various Armenian states and principalities, and there are numerous monuments of Armenian history and culture on its territory.

At the same time, since the 18th century, a significant Turkic population has penetrated here (the term “Azerbaijanis” had not yet been accepted), the territory is part of the Karabakh Khanate, which was ruled by a Turkic dynasty, and the majority of the population were Muslim Turks.

In the first half of the 19th century, as a result of wars with Turkey, Persia and individual khanates, the entire Transcaucasus, including Nagorno-Karabakh, went to Russia. Somewhat later it was divided into provinces without taking into account ethnicity. Thus, at the beginning of the 20th century, Nagorno-Karabakh was part of the Elizavetpol province, most of which was inhabited by Azerbaijanis.

By 1918, the Russian Empire collapsed as a result of well-known revolutionary events. Transcaucasia became the arena of bloody inter-ethnic struggle, which was restrained for the time being by the Russian authorities (It is worth noting that during the previous weakening of imperial power during the revolution of 1905-1907, Karabakh had already become an arena of clashes between Armenians and Azerbaijanis.). The newly formed state of Azerbaijan laid claim to the entire territory of the former Elizavetpol province.

The Armenians, who formed the majority in Nagorno-Karabakh, wanted either to be independent or to join the Armenian Republic. The situation was accompanied by military clashes. Even when both states, Armenia and Azerbaijan, became Soviet republics, the territorial dispute between them continued. It was decided in favor of Azerbaijan, but with reservations: most of the territories with an Armenian population were allocated to the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region (NKAO) as part of the Azerbaijan SSR.




The reasons why the Union leadership made this decision are unclear. Assumptions include the influence of Turkey (in favor of Azerbaijan), the greater influence of the Azerbaijani “lobby” in the union leadership compared to the Armenian one, Moscow’s desire to maintain a hotbed of tension in order to act as the supreme arbiter, etc.

In Soviet times, the conflict quietly smoldered, breaking through either through petitions from the Armenian public for the transfer of Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, or through measures of the Azerbaijani leadership to creepingly oust the Armenian population from the areas adjacent to the autonomous region. The abscess broke out as soon as the union power weakened during “perestroika.”

The conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh became significant for the Soviet Union. It clearly showed the growing helplessness of the central leadership. He demonstrated for the first time that the Union, which seemed indestructible in accordance with the words of its anthem, could be destroyed. In some ways, it was the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict that became the catalyst for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Thus, its significance extends far beyond the region. It is difficult to say what path the history of the USSR, and therefore the whole world, would have taken if Moscow had found the strength to quickly resolve this dispute.

The conflict began in 1987 with mass rallies of the Armenian population under the slogans of reunification with Armenia. The Azerbaijani leadership, with the support of the Union, unequivocally rejects these demands. Attempts to resolve the situation boil down to holding meetings and issuing documents.

In the same year, the first Azerbaijani refugees from Nagorno-Karabakh appeared. In 1988, the first blood was shed - two Azerbaijanis died in a clash with Armenians and the police in the village of Askeran. Information about this incident leads to an Armenian pogrom in Azerbaijani Sumgait. This is the first case of mass ethnic violence in the Soviet Union in several decades and the first sound of the death bell for Soviet unity. Then the violence increases, the flow of refugees from both sides increases. The central government is demonstrating helplessness; making real decisions is left to the republican authorities. The actions of the latter (deportations of the Armenian population and the economic blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh by Azerbaijan, the declaration of Nagorno-Karabakh as part of the Armenian SSR by Armenia) are heating up the situation.

Since 1990, the conflict has escalated into a war with the use of artillery. Illegal armed groups are active. The leadership of the USSR is trying to use force (mainly against the Armenian side), but it is too late - the Soviet Union itself ceases to exist. Independent Azerbaijan declares Nagorno-Karabakh its part. NKAO proclaims independence within the borders of the autonomous region and the Shaumyan region of the Azerbaijan SSR.

The war lasted until 1994, accompanied by war crimes and heavy civilian casualties on both sides. Many cities were reduced to ruins. On the one hand, the armies of Nagorno-Karabakh and Armenia took part in it, on the other – the armies of Azerbaijan, with the support of Muslim volunteers from around the world (Afghan Mujahideen and Chechen militants are usually mentioned). The war ended after decisive victories of the Armenian side, which established control over most of Nagorno-Karabakh and adjacent regions of Azerbaijan. After this, the parties agreed to mediation by the CIS (primarily Russia). Since then, Nagorno-Karabakh has maintained a fragile peace, occasionally broken by cross-border firefights, but the problem is far from resolved.

Azerbaijan firmly insists on its territorial integrity, agreeing to discuss only the autonomy of the republic. The Armenian side equally firmly insists on the independence of Karabakh. The main obstacle to constructive negotiations is the mutual bitterness of the parties. By pitting nations against each other (or at least not preventing the incitement of hatred), the authorities have fallen into a trap - now they themselves are unable to take a step towards the other side without being accused of treason.

The depth of the gap between peoples is clearly visible in the coverage of the conflict by both sides. There is not even a hint of objectivity. The parties unanimously keep silent about pages of history that are unfavorable for themselves and immensely inflate the crimes of the enemy.

The Armenian side focuses on the historical belonging of the region to Armenia, on the illegality of the inclusion of Nagorno-Karabakh into the Azerbaijan SSR, and on the right of peoples to self-determination. The crimes of Azerbaijanis against the civilian population are depicted - such as pogroms in Sumgait, Baku, etc. At the same time, real events acquire clearly exaggerated features - such as the story of mass cannibalism in Sumgait. Azerbaijan's connection with international Islamic terrorism is rising. From the conflict, accusations shift to the structure of the Azerbaijani state in general.

The Azerbaijani side, in turn, emphasizes the long-standing ties between Karabakh and Azerbaijan (remembering the Turkic Karabakh Khanate) and the principle of the inviolability of borders. The crimes of Armenian militants are also remembered, while their own people are completely forgotten. The connection between Armenia and international Armenian terrorism is indicated. Unflattering conclusions are drawn about the world's Armenians as a whole.

In such a situation, it is extremely difficult for international mediators to act, especially considering the fact that the mediators themselves represent different world forces and act in different interests.

The parties declare their determination to defend principled positions - the integrity of Azerbaijan and the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh, respectively. Perhaps this conflict will be resolved only when generations change and the intensity of hatred between peoples subsides.





Tags: It's hard to believe, but Armenians and Azerbaijanis have been killing and hating each other for decades because of a small geographical area with total area of just under four and a half thousand square kilometers. This area divided into mountainous, where the majority of the population were Armenians, and lowland, where Azerbaijanis predominated. The peak of clashes between nations occurred at the time of the collapse Russian Empire And civil war. After the Bolsheviks won, and Armenia and Azerbaijan became part of the USSR, the conflict was frozen for many years.

Nagorno-Karabakh has a total area of ​​just under four and a half thousand square kilometers // Photo: inosmi.ru


By the decision of the Soviet government, Nagorno-Karabakh became part of Azerbaijan. The Armenian population could not come to terms with this for a long time, but resist this decision it was not decided. All manifestations of nationalism were harshly suppressed. And yet, the local population always said that they were part of the USSR, and not the Azerbaijan SSR.

Perestroika and Chardakhlu

Even during Soviet times, clashes on ethnic grounds occurred in Nagorno-Karabakh. However, the Kremlin did not attach any importance to this. After all, there was no nationalism in the USSR, and Soviet citizens were one people. Mikhail Gorbachev's perestroika, with its democratization and glasnost, thawed the conflict.

In the disputed territory itself, no dramatic events took place, unlike the village of Chardakhlu in the Azerbaijan SSR, where a local party leader decided to replace the head of the collective farm. The former Armenian leader was shown the door and an Azerbaijani was appointed instead. This did not suit the residents of Chardakhlu. They refused to recognize the new boss, for which they were beaten, and some were arrested on false charges. This situation again did not cause any reaction from the center, but the residents of Nagorno-Karabakh began to be indignant at what the Azerbaijanis were doing to the Armenians. After this, demands to annex Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia began to sound very loudly and persistently.

The position of the authorities and first blood

At the end of the eighties, Armenian delegations flocked to Moscow, trying to explain to the center that Nagorno-Karabakh is a primordially Armenian territory, which, by a huge mistake, was annexed to Azerbaijan. The leadership was asked to correct historical injustice and return the region to its homeland. These requests were supported by mass rallies in which the Armenian intelligentsia participated. The center listened attentively, but was in no hurry to make any decisions.


Requests to return Nagorno-Karabakh to their homeland were reinforced by mass rallies in which the Armenian intelligentsia participated. The center listened carefully, but was in no hurry to make any decisions // Photo: kavkaz-uzel.eu


Meanwhile, in Nagorno-Karabakh, aggressive sentiment against its neighbor grew by leaps and bounds, especially among young people. The last straw was the march of the Azerbaijanis to Stepanakert. Its participants sincerely believed that largest city In Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenians brutally kill Azerbaijanis, which in fact was not even close to the truth. A crowd of distraught avengers was met by a police cordon near Askeran. Two Azerbaijanis were killed during the suppression of the riot. These events led to mass pogroms in Sumgait, a satellite city of Baku. Azerbaijani nationalists killed twenty-six Armenians and inflicted various injuries on hundreds. The pogrom was stopped only after troops were brought into the city. After this, war became inevitable.

A crisis

The pogrom in Sumgait led to the fact that Azerbaijanis abandoned everything they had acquired and fled from Armenia, fearing death. The Armenians, who by the will of fate ended up in Azerbaijan, did the same. Real military operations in Nagorno-Karabakh began in 1991 after the collapse of the USSR and the declaration of independence by Azerbaijan and Armenia. Nagorno-Karabakh also declared itself a sovereign state, but no foreign countries were in a hurry to recognize its independence.

In the nineties, gangs began an open war in Nagorno-Karabakh, and the number of victims went from dozens to hundreds. The Karabakh war flared up with new strength after the troops of the defunct Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR were withdrawn from the disputed territory, who until the last time did not allow the massacre to begin. Armed conflict lasted for a long time three years and was stopped by the signing of an armistice agreement. More than thirty thousand people became victims in this war.

Our days

Despite the truce, clashes in Nagorno-Karabakh did not stop. Neither Armenia nor Azerbaijan wanted to cede the disputed territory. This situation led to an extraordinary rise in nationalism. A neutral, rather than hateful, comment about a neighbor was viewed with suspicion.