VII Congress of the Comintern and the fight against fascism. Seventh Congress of the Communist International. VII Congress of the Comintern and the turn in the politics of the CPC
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The VII Congress of the Comintern met in Moscow during this period and lasted about a month: from July 25 to August 20. Seven years have passed since the previous congress. But this new forum made an important turn in the political orientation of the communist movement, which brought about long-term consequences. According to official data, delegates from 65 communist parties operating outside the USSR and numbering 785 thousand members (compared to 445 thousand represented at the VI Congress in 1928) were present at the congress. However, these were artificially inflated data, because the calculation did not take into account major losses suffered by the Chinese Communist Party, whose strength, according to Soviet sources, was reduced from 300 thousand to 30 thousand people, under the blows of the last offensive undertaken by the armies of Chiang Kai-shek. In all likelihood, the huge loss among German communists as a result of Nazi persecution was not taken into account: the number of the GKP was reduced from 300 thousand to 60 thousand people, and even those were mostly underground, in emigration, or separated from the party organization. A new and clearly positive fact that opened up wide opportunities for the Congress was, rather, something else. This was the first success of proposals for unity of action with the Social Democrats, the development of popular front ideas in France and Spain, new unitary tendencies awakened by the political initiative of the Communists in some parties of the old Socialist International.
The innovative ideas of the VII Congress were contained mainly in Dimitrov’s report on the first item on the agenda, “The offensive of fascism and the tasks of the Communist International in the struggle for the unity of the working class, against fascism.” The hero of Leipzig not only again put forward and developed the proposals formulated a year earlier, but also went much further. He courageously admitted that there had been an “unacceptable underestimation of the fascist danger” in the communist movement. At the beginning of his report, he therefore subjected fascism to an in-depth analysis, considering it no longer simply as “the replacement of one bourgeois government by another,” but as - here Dimitrov resorted to a definition that had already won citizenship rights in the Comintern - “the terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, the most chauvinistic , the most imperialist elements of finance capital." Fascism was, therefore, a change in the very “ state form"class rule of the bourgeoisie, and this change was prepared by social demagoguery, which allowed fascism to gain a mass base "in the middle strata unsettled by the crisis and even the least politically enlightened part masses. Fascism triumphed in some countries because the working class was divided and at the same time isolated from its “natural allies,” primarily the peasants. This happened, further, because Social Democracy showed its inability to resist the violence unleashed by the bourgeoisie, and the Communists were not strong enough to wage a successful anti-fascist struggle alone, without Social Democrats.
Fascism, Dimitrov explained, can be defeated; but, despite all the instability and internal contradictions, it itself will not collapse. From this analysis, new political instructions for the communist movement emerged: to seek, first of all, a “united front” of the working class, and therefore an alliance with socialist parties, not in the name of the “dictatorship of the proletariat” (i.e., without obliging partners to share all the principles of the communists, as is the case tried to do when the only task of the “united front” was considered to be the formation of Soviets), but to organize a joint anti-fascist struggle. The unity of the working class was, further, to serve as the basis of a broader “anti-fascist popular front”, expressing a broad alliance with the petty-bourgeois strata of town and countryside. The implementation of a unitary policy required the presence of unified trade unions, and therefore a change in that trade union policy, which was “the most pressing issue for all communist parties”: where the communists formed separate trade union organizations, they should have been merged with other trade unions or even simply liquidated if they failed to become truly widespread.
Changes affected many political guidelines of the communist movement. What was required of the communists was no longer a disdainful attitude, but the defense of the democratic gains achieved by the working people under the bourgeois-democratic system, although their goal remained Soviet democracy. There is no “national nihilism”, but on the contrary - respect for national feelings, demagogically exploited by the fascists. Consequently, the task was set of careful attitude to the specifically revolutionary traditions of each people and attention to the “national forms of proletarian class struggle.” There cannot be uniform schemes suitable for all countries: each party must act on the basis of a thorough study of the specific reality in its country in which it was born and formed. In the ranks of the communist movement it was necessary to wage an energetic struggle against any manifestations of sectarianism.
Dimitrov also drew attention to the possibility of forming “united front governments” with the support or even participation of the communists. Such governments would not be an expression of the dictatorship of the proletariat; rather, it would have to be something closer to the “workers’” or “workers’ and peasants’ government” that was discussed in the Comintern in the first half of the 20s. But when compared with this old formula, the idea put forward by the speaker was, of course, much broader and more promising. Dimitrov pointed, in addition, to the possibility of “political unity”, that is, the formation single party of the working class, however, imagining such a party as an organization that would share the program and theory of the communists. Finally, the new guidelines of the Comintern also extended to the communist parties of colonial and dependent countries: these parties were called upon to create a “broad united anti-imperialist front.”
After a period of long, painstaking preparation, Dimitrov’s ideas were no longer a surprise to the congress. Although the resistance they encountered, be it hidden or overt, had not yet ceased, Dimitrov's proposals became the core of the work of the congress, without causing any open opposition. The movement started by Dimitrov was continued by Togliatti, who delivered a report on the second item on the agenda, “Preparation by the imperialists of a new world war and the tasks of the Communist International.” The final resolutions contained the same theses.
The Congress was thus a milestone in the history of the communist movement. It has been noted more than once, however, that the “turn” he made in the development of this movement was officially denied. Dimitrov himself simply spoke of a “new tactical line.” There was no self-criticism about the guidelines implemented by the Comintern from 1928 to 1933; on the contrary, it was argued that the previous policy was correct, but was incorrectly implemented (this should especially apply to the German party).
Such a formulation of the question left great opportunity for ambiguous interpretations, which in turn limited the effect of the practical application of the new course, at least in some parties. However, this cannot obscure the enormous innovative significance of the congress, the value of the discovery it made. The theses of the congress were innovative not only in relation to the previous positions of the Comintern, but also in relation to some ideas that went back to the more distant past: despite the deep-rooted mistrust of “pacifism”, the slogan of the “struggle for peace”, for example, became the “central slogan struggle against war." “The struggle against fascism” and “the struggle against war” from that moment became the two main pillars of the Comintern’s activities, the two main components of its proposals to popular political forces in all countries.
The VII Congress opened for the world communist movement new stage development - the first after that which followed October Revolution. Now it remains to be seen what the significance of the congress was for the Soviet Union.
In terms of the immediate results of Soviet foreign policy, which was busy searching for new allies in the West, the Congress could play an important, although not decisive, contribution. We should not forget that everything connected with the Comintern aroused great suspicion among Western governments: on the occasion of the Congress, Washington, for example, even sent, without thinking twice, a note of protest.
The situation was different with domestic politics. The “class against class” course, which had previously guided the Comintern, found, as we have seen, a kind of deep response in the vicissitudes of the socio-political struggle in the USSR. The same cannot be said about the new general direction of the popular fronts. More precisely, this direction could have found a response if those tendencies towards a certain weakening of tension that emerged in 1934 had prevailed in the USSR. In this sense, there was a correspondence between the two courses - the Comintern course of Dimitrov and the course of Soviet domestic policy before the assassination of Kirov - can be seen as more than a simple coincidence in time. But by the time the congress was held in the USSR, as we will see, attitudes of the exact opposite nature had already taken over under Stalin’s leadership. Thus, between the line of the Comintern and the direction internal development The USSR faced a serious contradiction.
On the other hand, something was changing in the relations between the Soviet Union and the communist movement outside its borders. For the first time, the orientation of the Comintern was conceptualized and developed taking into account the positive - mainly French - experience acquired abroad in Russia. This experience was very different from the one associated with the October Revolution and the Soviets and, until that time, seemed to be the only victorious experience in the struggle for socialism. These differences, however, were talked about with the greatest caution or not talked about at all. A sense of blood connection with the Soviet Union, the “birthplace of socialism,” was inherent in the entire communist movement. Moreover, the strength and prestige of the USSR inspired the participants of the congress and were considered by them all as preconditions that made it possible to accept the newly approved innovative guidelines. Nevertheless, the new fact noted above existed, although it was not striking. Moreover, from the moment that more flexible consideration of the specific conditions of each individual country began to be encouraged in the work of parties, it became more difficult or almost impossible to direct them all from a single center; Dimitrov himself was the first to draw attention to this in his July 1934 letter. Tolyatti, in his report at the congress, also hinted at this problem. In a word, in order to new policy was successful, the Comintern could not remain a “drive belt” in the Stalinist sense of the word.
Here the question inevitably arises about Stalin’s attitude towards the Seventh Congress. It would be naive to assume that the course of the congress could develop against his will. Having spread throughout the USSR, the cult penetrated the Comintern, and the congress itself showed a lot of evidence of this. The theses of Dimitrov's report were previously discussed and approved by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks. Although it is not known exactly what Stalin’s role was in the development of the new course, but, according to the testimony of participants such as Togliatti and Torez, in any case it cannot be called secondary.
But all this is only one side of the issue. The fact is that in his attitude towards the Congress, Stalin, at least publicly, showed what can only be described as a certain wariness or aloofness. He attended several of its meetings, but did not speak from the podium. In his subsequent articles and speeches it is vain to look for any hint of clear approval of the new policy of the Comintern. This policy, by the way, looked like a refutation of not only the entire Stalinist course of the Comintern in the period 1928-1933, but also other well-known theses of Stalin. When delivering a report on the results of the congress to party organizations in Moscow and Leningrad, Manuilsky was forced to begin with the phrase that Stalin’s assessment, according to which “fascists and social democracy are not antipodes, but twins,” continues to be correct. But now such a statement came into blatant contradiction not only with the resolutions of the VII Congress, but also with the rest of the text of Manuilsky’s own report. However, for many years the USSR press avoided emphasizing the enormous importance of the VII Congress. Soviet historians who paid attention to these circumstances believed that Stalin’s attitude was “more of tacit agreement ... than active support.”
Apparently aware of the contradictions the new policy of the Comintern entailed, Stalin tried to insure himself in another way, with the help of the same measures that he practiced at that time during domestic policy. Important changes were made in the leadership of the Comintern. If the arrival of people like Dimitrov and Togliatti to leadership positions symbolized the contribution of foreign parties and countries to the development of a new line of the Comintern, then a completely different meaning lay in the replacements among the Soviet leaders of the International. Pyatnitsky, a figure of Lenin’s era, who since 1921 had been responsible for the entire sensitive area of the Comintern’s organizational work, was removed from the ECCI. In his place were appointed the previously unknown or almost unknown Yezhov and Moskvin (the latter's real name was Trillisser). These people have already occupied important posts in the NKVD, but in the future they were to play an even more important role in the activities of the political police and in Stalin’s personal use of it both in the USSR and in the international communist movement.
1. Fascism and the working class
1. The VII Congress of the Communist International states that the following major changes in the world situation determine the alignment of class forces in the international arena and the tasks of the world labor movement.
a) The final and irrevocable victory of socialism in the Land of the Soviets, a victory of worldwide significance, gigantically raising the power and role of the USSR as a stronghold of the exploited and oppressed of the whole world and inspiring the working people to fight against capitalist exploitation, bourgeois reaction and fascism, for peace, for the freedom and independence of peoples .
b) The largest economic crisis in the history of capitalism, from which the bourgeoisie tried to get out of by ruining the masses, dooming tens of millions of unemployed to hunger and extinction, reducing the living standards of workers to unprecedented levels. Despite the growth of industrial production in a number of countries and the increase in the profits of financial magnates, the world bourgeoisie in general failed to either emerge from the crisis and depression, or delay the further aggravation of the contradictions of capitalism. In some countries (France, Belgium, etc.) the crisis continues, in others it has turned into a state of depression, and in those countries where production has exceeded the pre-crisis level (Japan, England), new economic shocks are brewing.
c) The onset of fascism, the rise to power of the fascists in Germany, the growing threat of a new world imperialist war and attacks on the USSR, through which the capitalist world is seeking a way out of the impasse of its contradictions.
d) The political crisis, expressed in the armed struggle of workers in Austria and Spain against the fascists, which did not yet lead to the victory of the proletariat over fascism, but prevented the bourgeoisie from strengthening its fascist dictatorship; a powerful anti-fascist movement in France, which began with the February demonstration and general strike of the proletariat in 1934.
e) The revolutionization of the working masses throughout the capitalist world, taking place under the influence of the victory of socialism in the USSR and the world economic crisis, as well as on the basis of the lessons of the temporary defeat of the proletariat in the center of Europe, Germany, as well as in Austria and Spain - in countries where the majority of organized workers supported social democracy. There is a growing powerful urge for unity of action in the international working class. The revolutionary movement in colonial countries and the Soviet revolution in China are expanding. The balance of class forces on a global scale is increasingly changing towards the growth of the forces of revolution.
In this situation, the ruling bourgeoisie is increasingly looking for salvation in fascism, in the establishment of an open, terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of finance capital, in order to carry out exceptional predatory measures against the working people, prepare a predatory, imperialist war, an attack on the USSR, enslavement and the division of China and, on the basis of all this, preventing revolution. Finance capital seeks to curb the indignation against capitalism of the petty-bourgeois masses through its fascist agents, who demagogically adapt their slogans to the moods of these strata. By creating a mass base for itself in this way and directing these layers as a reactionary force against the working class, fascism leads to an even greater enslavement of all working people by financial capital. In a number of countries, fascism is already in power. But the growth of fascism and its victory testify not only to the weakness of the working class, disorganized as a result of the splitting policy of class cooperation between Social Democracy and the bourgeoisie, but also to the weakness of the bourgeoisie itself, which fears the realization of the unity of the struggle of the working class, fear of revolution and not is already able to maintain its dictatorship using the old methods of bourgeois democracy.
2. The most reactionary variety of fascism is fascism of the German type, which brazenly calls itself National Socialism, but has absolutely nothing in common either with socialism or with the defense of the real national interests of the German people, but only plays the role of a servant of the big bourgeoisie and is not only bourgeois nationalism, but also animal chauvinism...
Quoted from the book: Ponomarev M.V. Smirnova S.Yu. New and recent history countries of Europe and America. vol. 3. Moscow, 2000 ss. 171-173
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Hitler Adolf(biographical index).
Ribbentrop Joachim von(biographical index).
The VII Congress of the Comintern, held in July-August 1935 in Moscow, considered the task of the struggle against fascism and war as the central issue. He gave a deep analysis of the situation in the world, noted historical meaning the victory of socialism in the USSR to strengthen all forces fighting against fascism and war. The victory of socialism in the USSR, the resolution noted, means “a new major shift in the balance of class forces on a global scale in favor of socialism, to the detriment of capitalism.”
The congress paid great attention to the fascist danger and the characteristics of the fascist dictatorship. Defining the class essence of fascism, G. Dimitrov repeated in his report the formula of the XIII Plenum of the ECCI, sharpened against any attempts to obscure the fact that fascism is a product of monopoly capital. At the same time, the Congress warned against a schematic understanding of this formula, pointed out certain national differences in the fascist movement, and the prominent role in it in a number of countries of landowner circles, the military and church elite. Therefore, the need for a specific study and consideration of the unique development of fascism and various forms fascist dictatorship in individual countries.
Fundamentally important was the conclusion that the rise of fascism to power is the replacement of one state form of class rule of the bourgeoisie, bourgeois democracy, with another form of it - an open terrorist dictatorship. This conclusion put an end to the harmful equation of bourgeois parliamentary regimes with fascism, gave scientific basis to understand the contradictions between fascism and bourgeois democracy.
The communists sharply criticized any underestimation of the fascist threat, pointed out the danger of the “illusions of the automatic collapse of the fascist dictatorship,” and emphasized that fascism seeks to establish its dictatorship before the decisive turn of the masses towards revolution. The VII Congress analyzed in detail the mass base of fascism, the methods of nationalist and social demagoguery with the help of which fascism managed to intoxicate significant sections of small owners and other groups of the population. The ideology of fascism with its chauvinism, racism, cult of the Fuhrer and the thesis of the omnipotence of the state was exposed. At the congress, the communists also examined the reasons for the victory of fascism in Germany and some other countries. The comprehensive and profound assessment of fascism by the Seventh Congress of the Comintern showed the working people what a cruel and insidious enemy stands before them, what a decisive battle lies ahead.
The congress emphasized the special role of German fascism, which embodied the most reactionary and most misanthropic features of the fascist movement in general. German fascism acted as the striking fist of the international counter-revolution, as the main force of world fascist reaction, and the main instigator of the new imperialist war.
Fascism, the Congress pointed out, is a huge step backward compared to bourgeois democracy; under the conditions of the onset of fascism, “the working masses in a number of capitalist countries today have to choose not between proletarian dictatorship and bourgeois democracy, but between bourgeois democracy and fascism.” The Congress associated the expansion of the scope of general democratic tasks of the labor movement primarily with the onset of fascism, which tried to destroy not only the class organizations of workers, but also all democratic rights and freedoms.
The Congress directed all the forces of the international proletariat and working people towards the struggle against fascism as the main enemy. The most important task Communist parties consisted of creating a united workers' and broad popular front against fascism and war, which was to become a rallying point for all anti-fascist forces. Its content was also interpreted in a new way. Previously, the united front policy was associated mainly with the task of involving the majority of the working class in the preparation of a direct socialist revolution. In the new conditions, the content of the united workers' front, its platform, became predominantly the anti-fascist struggle. Pointing to the fatal consequences of the Social Democratic policy of class cooperation with the bourgeoisie, which led to capitulation to fascism, the Congress at the same time noted that in the new conditions the positions of Social Democracy began to change. The defeat of workers' organizations, including social democratic ones, by fascism, the threat of fascist aggression to a number of countries - all this, as G. Dimitrov said, made it more difficult, and in some countries, downright impossible for social democracy to continue to maintain its former role as a support for the bourgeoisie. Social democracy, by force of the events themselves, was placed in conditions where it had to oppose fascism. The communists, without ceasing to criticize social reformism as an ideology and practice, considered their primary task to involve social democracy in the fight against fascism and war. The Congress assigned an important role to the creation of united trade unions on the platform of class struggle, as well as the work of communists in those fascist organizations that covered significant sections of the working people. The Congress recommended that communists join these mass organizations and use legal and semi-legal opportunities to work in them to decompose the mass base of fascism.
The policy of a united workers' front was considered at the congress in inextricable connection with the task of creating a broad inter-class anti-fascist alliance - the Popular Front. Developing Lenin's doctrine of the alliance of the working class with other strata of the working people, Lenin's ideas about the relationship between the struggle for democracy and the struggle for socialism, the Congress comprehensively substantiated the policy of the Popular Front. He summarized the living, instructive experience of a number of communist parties, especially the French one. The Congress showed that the Popular Front can and must unite the proletariat, the peasantry, the urban petty bourgeoisie, the working intelligentsia - everyone who is ready to fight against fascist barbarism. The approximate platform of the Popular Front was determined; its content consisted of general democratic demands.
Congress with with good reason believed that consistent struggle broad masses, united in the Popular Front, will lead to a situation where the old reactionary governments will be eliminated and the question of creating a government of a united workers or anti-fascist Popular Front will arise on the order of the day, which must take upon itself to carry out decisive measures against fascism and reaction, and become a force cutting down the roots of the power of monopoly capital. The Communist parties were required, the Congress decided, to support the Popular Front governments in their struggle against fascism and war, and, under certain conditions, to participate in them.
The Seventh Congress of the Comintern, having pointed out how great the danger was of the fascist aggressors unleashing a predatory war of extermination, developed the communist doctrine of the struggle against imperialist wars. He concluded that national liberation wars against the fascist aggressor are possible in Europe. In such cases, the working class and communists must stand in the first ranks of the fighters for national independence and freedom, combining this struggle with the defense of the class interests of the proletariat and other sections of the working people. Proclaiming the task of defending peace, the Comintern put forward the slogan of creating a broad peace front covering the USSR, the working class and democratic strata of all countries, as well as states that were threatened by fascist aggression. The struggle for peace was seen as the most important component the struggle against fascism, for the strengthening and expansion of democracy, for social progress. The Congress associated the opportunity to delay the war and prevent its outbreak primarily with the growth of the political, economic and military power of the USSR on the world stage, as well as with the strengthening of other units of the international revolutionary movement and all democratic movements. Emphasizing the interdependence of the fate of the first socialist country with the struggle against fascism and war, the congress proclaimed the sacred duty of communists to resolutely defend the USSR.
- THE RISE OF THE NATIONAL LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN CHINA AFTER THE GREAT OCTOBER SOCIALIST REVOLUTION
- China by the beginning of modern times
- The influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution on China. "May 4th Movement" 1919
- The influence of the Great October Socialist Revolution on China. "May 4th Movement" 1919 - page 2
- Beginning of Soviet-Chinese negotiations
- Formation of the Chinese Communist Party
- Strengthening imperialist expansion
- Labor movement in 1922-1923 II CPC congress
- The activities of Sun Yat-sen. Preparation of a united national revolutionary front
- III Congress of the CPC. First Kuomintang Congress. Creating a United Front
- III Congress of the CPC. First Kuomintang Congress. Creating a United Front - Page 2
- Sino-Soviet Agreement of 1924
- Situation in Northern China. Shantuan rebellion in Guangzhou. Feng Yu-hsiang's coup in Beijing
- Worker and peasant movement in 1924 - early 1925 IV Congress of the CPC
- Worker and peasant movement in 1924 - early 1925 IV Congress of the CPC - page 2
- REVOLUTION 1925-1927
- "May 30 Movement". General strikes in Shanghai and Hong Kong
- Completion of the unification of Guangdong. Strengthening the struggle within the united front
- The Northern Expedition and the New Rise of the Revolution
- The second stage of the Northern Expedition. Uprisings of the Shanghai proletariat
- Counter-offensive of the imperialists and Chinese reaction. Coups in East and South China
- Continuation of the revolution in Central China. 5th Congress of the CPC
- Continuation of the Northern Expedition. Workers' and peasants' movement in the Wuhan region
- Defeat of the revolution of 1925-1927. and its significance in Chinese history
- ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KUOMINDAN REGIME. REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE IN CHINA UNDER THE SLOGAN OF THE SOVIETS (1927-1937)
- Start Soviet movement (1927-1931)
- The beginning of the Soviet movement (1927-1931) - page 2
- Development of a new line of the CCP with the help of the Comintern. 6th CPC Congress
- The formation of the Kuomintang regime
- Domestic and foreign policy of the Nanjing government in 1928-1931.
- Revolutionary movement in China in 1928-1931.
- Revolutionary movement in China in 1928-1931. - page 2
- Left-adventurist bias in the CPC (1930)
- Reflection of three Kuomintang campaigns by the Red Army
- Capture of Northeast China by Japanese imperialism
- Political and economic situation in China in 1931-1935. Policy of the Nanjing government
- Political and economic situation in China in 1931-1935. Nanjing Government Policy - Page 2
- Liberation and revolutionary struggle of the Chinese people
- Liberation and revolutionary struggle of the Chinese people - page 2
- The struggle of the Red Army against the fourth campaign of the Kuomintang. Improving fighting tactics
- Fifth campaign of the Kuomintang. Abandonment of the territory of the Central Soviet region by units of the 1st Front
- Increased Japanese aggression in Northern China. The rise of the Chinese people's national liberation struggle
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- VII Congress of the Comintern and the turn in the politics of the CPC - page 2
- Start Soviet movement (1927-1931)
- NATIONAL LIBERATION WAR AGAINST JAPANESE IMPERIALISM (1937-1945)
- Advance of Japanese troops. Deployment of armed resistance of the Chinese people (July 1937 - October 1938)
- Creation of an anti-Japanese united national front
- Resistance forces behind Japanese lines and the creation Liberated areas
- International situation and foreign policy of China at the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War
- Internal political struggle in China
- Strategic calm in the Chinese theater of operations. The disintegration of the Kuomintang regime and the growth of the revolutionary forces of the Chinese people (November 1938 - February 1944)
- Japanese colonial policy in China
- Strengthening reactionary tendencies in the Kuomintang. Worsening relations between the CCP and the Kuomintang
- Features of the development of the CPC during the war with Japan
- The final stage of the Anti-Japanese War (March 1944 - September 1945)
- The final stage of the anti-Japanese war (March 1944 - September 1945) - page 2
- Entry of the Soviet Union into the war against imperialist Japan. Completion of the Chinese people's liberation war
- CHINA AFTER THE SECOND WORLD WAR. CIVIL WAR 1946-1949 AND THE VICTORY OF THE PEOPLE'S REVOLUTION
- Negotiations between the CPC and the Kuomintang (August 1945 - June 1946)
- Negotiations on the unification and democratization of China
- The maturation of a pan-Chinese civil war. Decision of the CPC Central Committee of May 4, 1946
- Civil war on a nationwide scale. Kuomintang offensive (July 1946 - June 1947)
- Political and economic crisis of the Kuomintang regime
- Democratic movement in the Kuomintang rear
- Strengthening the Liberated Areas
- The offensive of the People's Liberation Army. Victory of the People's Revolution in China (July 1947 - September 1949)
- Political and economic program of the CCP
- CCP policy in cities. Attitude towards the working class. The formation of a united people's democratic front
- Decisive battles at the end of 1948 - beginning of 1949. Peace negotiations. Crossing of the Yangtze
- Victory of the people's revolution. Proclamation of Chinese People's Republic
- CHINA'S TRANSITION TO THE PATH OF SOCIALIST DEVELOPMENT (1949-1957)
- Recovery period. Completion of bourgeois-democratic transformations of 1949-1952.
- Recovery period. Completion of bourgeois-democratic transformations of 1949-1952. - page 2
- Foreign policy. Relations with the USSR
- Agrarian reform
- Economic recovery. Class struggle in the city
- The first five-year plan. Beginning of socialist industrialization (1953-1957)
- Assistance of the Soviet Union in the socialist construction of the PRC
- “The Case of Gao Gang - Zhao Shu-shi” and the “campaign against counter-revolution”
- Cooperation of the peasantry. Nationalization of private industry and trade. Mao Zedong's attempt to revise the general line of the CCP
- Cooperation of the peasantry. Nationalization of private industry and trade. Mao Zedong's attempt to revise the general line of the CCP - page 2
- 8th Congress of the Communist Party of China
- “Movement to correct the style in the party” and “struggle against bourgeois right-wing elements”
- Results of the first five-year plan
- Recovery period. Completion of bourgeois-democratic transformations of 1949-1952.
- CHANGES IN THE COURSE OF THE CPC LEADERS IN DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICIES
- "The Great Leap Forward" (1958-1960)
- Meeting in Beidaihe. "The Great Leap Forward". "Communization" of the village
- Meeting in Beidaihe. "The Great Leap Forward". "Communization" of the village - page 2
- Foreign policy
- Speeches against Mao's course at the 8th Plenum of the CPC Central Committee
- The period of “settlement” (1961-1965). The actual abandonment of the “leap” policy. 9th Plenum of the CPC Central Committee
- Dissatisfaction with the policies of Mao's group
- Struggle within the CCP regarding China's development path
- Struggle within the CCP regarding China's development path - page 2
- National economy China in 1963-1965
- The schismatic activities of the Mao Zedong group in the socialist community and the world communist movement
- Extensive attack on the CCP during the Cultural Revolution (1965-1969)
- Extensive attack on the CCP during the Cultural Revolution (1965-1969) - page 2
- Rampant Maoist terror (“Red Guards”)
- The course is to “seize power” and “unite the three sides.” Creation of "revolutionary committees". Role of the Army
- Preparations for the creation of a Maoist party
- 9th Congress of the Communist Party of China
- Strengthening the anti-Soviet activities of Mao Zedong's group during the Cultural Revolution
- CONCLUSION
VII Congress of the Comintern and the turn in the politics of the CPC
The domestic and international situation in China put on the order of the day the task of creating a united national front of struggle against the Japanese aggressors. To achieve this task, it was necessary to make changes to the course of the CPC, revise its platform, and abandon sectarian attitudes. The CPC began its turn to the united front policy after the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in July - August 1935, based on its decisions.
Under the leadership of the Comintern in 1935-1937. The CCP played an outstanding role in the history of China, initiating the creation of a united national anti-Japanese front in the country. The development of the new orientation of the party by the VII Congress of the Comintern and the delegation of the CPC to the Comintern was based on an analysis of the experience of successes and failures of the CPC in previous years, an analysis of changes in China and throughout the world in connection with the growing threat of fascism and imperialist wars.
Already in the materials of the Comintern, published on the eve of the congress, the task was set to revise the incorrect assessment of the national bourgeoisie, which had been in circulation since the late 20s, and also raised the question of removing the slogan of creating Soviets in those countries where the hegemony of the proletariat in the liberation movement had not yet been won.
The main report at the VII Congress - the report of G. Dimitrov - formulated the task of resolute and consistent implementation by the communist parties of united front tactics, the fight against sectarianism in order to solve main task at the current stage - the struggle against the threat of fascism and imperialist colonial enslavement. Due to the peculiarities of the international situation in Far East in the 1930s, the united national front in China, in contrast to the period of the mid-1920s, was not directed against all imperialist powers, but primarily against imperialist Japan.
The essence of the new approach to the tactics of the CPC, stated in the report of G. Dimitrov, was to create “the broadest anti-imperialist united front against Japanese imperialism and its Chinese agents with all those organized forces existing on the territory of China that are ready to really fight for the salvation of their homeland , his people."
During the VII Congress, on August 1, 1935, the CPC, at the suggestion of the ECCI, published an “Appeal to the People on Rebuffing Japan and Saving the Motherland.” In this document, the CPC proposed that all parties, political and military groups, including parts of the Kuomintang army, without exception, stop the civil war, unite to resist Japanese aggression, create a government of national defense from representatives of various political, military and other groups, and organize a unified command and a united anti-Japanese army.
The program of activities of the government of national defense consisted of 10 points, which included demands for a decisive struggle against aggression, confiscation of land and property of invaders and national traitors, improvement of the financial situation of workers and provision of democratic freedoms to the people. The publication of this document marked the beginning of a new stage in the CPC’s struggle for the creation of a national front: the CPC raised the issue of a united front not only “from below”, but also “from above”, and with all political parties and the country's military forces.
The new tactics of the CCP were discussed in detail at the VII Congress of the Comintern in a report by Wang Ming and were further developed at a meeting of the Chinese delegation held in Moscow, at which Wang Ming made a report on “How to apply the decisions of the VII Congress in China.” In an article published in the journal Communist International after the meeting, Wang Ming wrote that the CPC was faced with the urgent task of involving “the broadest, not only truly revolutionary, conscious and honest elements, but also all kinds of, even temporary, elements in the national liberation struggle.” , wavering allies and fellow travelers from various strata and classes of Chinese society."
At the same time, the possibility of creating a united front with Chiang Kai-shek’s group was not excluded if it “really stops the war with the Red Army and turns its weapons against the Japanese imperialists.”
In order to facilitate the unity of representatives of all social strata of the Chinese people in a united front, the ECCI and the CPC delegation to the Comintern considered it necessary to make a number of changes in socio-economic the politics of the CCP, in the trade union and youth movement. In the trade unions, it was decided, instead of the course towards creating illegal red trade unions, which remained extremely small in number, to shift the center of gravity to work in existing legal organizations. The meeting especially emphasized that the main danger to the implementation of the new course is “leftist” sectarian views.
The CPC's turn to a new course came with certain difficulties. During the period when the fundamental principles of the new course were being developed, the main formations of the Red Army, the leaders of the CPC and the majority of the Chinese communists were on a difficult, long campaign in remote areas of Western and Northwestern China.
In the summer of 1935, after a meeting in Sichuan between the armies of the 1st and 4th fronts, an acute crisis arose in the leadership of the CPC: the struggle for leadership between Zhang Guo-tao and Mao Zedong led to a split in the army, party and military leadership. The split was eliminated only in the fall of 1936 with the assistance of the Comintern. In October 1935, part of the Red Army troops and the majority of members of the CPC Central Committee entered the northern part of Shaanxi province into the Soviet region founded by Gao Gang and Liu Chih-dan.
Cut off from the main centers of the country, in the first time after coming to the northern part of Shaanxi, the leadership of the CPC, in which Mao Zedong’s group began to play an increasingly important role, had no connection with the Comintern, and did not feel any fundamental shifts in the balance of power. The inertia of previous attitudes and the leftist-nationalist sentiments characteristic of Mao Zedong and his supporters also had an effect. Therefore, the work to implement the new line on Kuomintang territory until the beginning of 1936 was carried out under the leadership of the CPC delegation to the Comintern by communists working in the “white areas”.
The CPC's Appeal of August 1, 1935 had a great influence on the development of the national liberation movement in China. Widespread propaganda of CCP slogans played an important role underground organizations in Eastern and Northern China, as well as the distribution in the country of the newspaper “Jiuguo Ribao” (“Salvation of the Motherland”), the publication of which was established by the CPC delegation to the Comintern.
During the period of Japanese aggression in Northern China, under the influence of communist activities in the fall of 1935, a network of patriotic anti-Japanese organizations arose among Beijing students. When the Nanjing government, at the request of the Japanese, agreed in early December 1935 to the creation of an autonomous Hebei-Chahar Political Council and included in its composition figures known for their pro-Japanese sentiments, student demonstrations began. On December 9, a student demonstration of many thousands took place in Beijing, presenting demands of a patriotic and democratic nature to the local Kuomintang authorities: rejection of the “autonomist” movement, preservation of the territorial integrity of the country and an end to the civil war.
The police dispersed the demonstration and many students were killed and seriously injured. In December, a wave of anti-Japanese demonstrations, called the December 9th Movement, swept across China. The influence of communists grew among students. These events indicated the beginning of a broad, all-Chinese anti-Japanese movement and further significant shifts in the balance of class forces.
On December 25, 1935, having familiarized itself with the decisions of the VII Congress of the Comintern and the recommendations of the Chinese delegation to the ECCI, the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, located in Shaanxi, made a decision “On current situation and the tasks of the party." It said that under the influence of Japanese aggression, “part of the national bourgeoisie, many kulaks, small landowners and even some militarists may take a position of benevolent neutrality or even take part in the new national movement that has begun.” The decision spoke of the need to pursue a course towards organizing “the broadest united anti-Japanese national front (both at the bottom and at the top).”
The program proclaimed in the declaration of August 1, 1935 was proposed as a common platform for the united front. In accordance with the new line, a decision was made to transform the Soviet Republic into the Soviet People's Republic and about changes in government policy: to stop the confiscation of lands and property of the kulaks, those who did not use feudal forms exploitation of peasants; providing national entrepreneurs with more favorable conditions compared to the past; granting political rights (including participation in government) (to the petty bourgeoisie and intelligentsia (regardless of their social origin), to all soldiers and officers who opposed the Japanese aggressors and national traitors.
At the same time, this decision also included weak spots. The Comintern and the CPC delegation proceeded from the fact that main enemy- Japanese imperialism, and raised the question of the possibility of attracting not only regional groupings, but also Chiang Kai-shek’s grouping to a united front by putting pressure on it. The decision of the CPC Central Committee set the task of involving all possible allies, including militaristic groups, in a united front, with the exception of Chiang Kai-shek’s group.
Like the Japanese aggressors, it was considered the main enemy of the Chinese people. The decision spoke of “the unification and organization of the revolutionary forces of the entire country, the entire nation to fight against the main enemy in at this stage- Japanese imperialism and the leader of national traitors - Chiang Kai-shek." In practice, this meant creating, instead of a united national front throughout the country, a bloc of various forces and groupings to continue the struggle against the Nanjing regime, i.e., a civil war.
For all the reactionary nature of the Nanjing regime, in conditions when it controlled most of the troops and resources necessary to repel the aggressor, when many of its leaders began to realize the inevitability of war with Japan, such a course was, in fact, a relapse of sectarian sentiments that prevented the speedy creation of a national united front. Mao Zedong and his supporters, who controlled the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, tried to carry out such a course, contrary to the recommendations of the Comintern, throughout the next year, 1936.
At the beginning of 1936, Mao Zedong and his supporters carried out the Red Army's campaign in Shanxi (February - April 1936). Although the goal of the campaign was declared to be “repelling the Japanese invaders,” in fact the attack was directed against the Kuomintang army of Yan Hsi-shan. This led to an aggravation of the situation in the country and to the expansion of the civil war. Chiang Kai-shek sent additional troops to Shanxi. After serious losses, the Red Army was forced to retreat; the Soviet region found itself in a critical situation. Then the government of the Chinese Soviet People's Republic, the Revolutionary Military Council of the Red Army sent a telegram on May 5 to the Military Committee of the Nanjing government, all armed forces, all parties, groups and organizations with a proposal to “within one month cease hostilities and negotiate peace with all troops fighting against the anti-Japanese Red Army." As an urgent task, it was proposed to end the civil war “primarily in the provinces of Shanxi, Gansu and Shaanxi.”
This step by the CCP was in response to the further strengthening of the movement in the country for a united anti-Japanese front. In June 1936, a conference of national salvation organizations was held, at which the All-China Association of National Salvation Organizations was created. In June - July 1936, the Union of Chinese Literary and Art Workers was created, which united cultural figures of various directions on the platform of the struggle for national independence. Lu Xun played a prominent role in the creation of the union.
The May appeal of the government of the Chinese Soviet People's Republic and the Revolutionary Military Forces to the Kuomintang Military Committee forced Nanjing to stop the offensive and begin negotiations with representatives of the CPC on a truce. The rise of the liberation movement and changes in the position of the CPC created conditions for the establishment of contacts between the CPC and a number of groups in the ruling camp in the center and locally. From the beginning of 1936, representatives of the CPC began to establish increasingly close contacts with patriotic officers of the armies of Zhang Xue-liang and Yang Hu-cheng.
These armies, totaling up to 150 thousand people, were withdrawn to the northwest - to the southern part of the province. Shaanxi from Northern China and, according to Chiang Kai-shek's plan, were supposed to block and destroy units of the Red Army in the Border region of Shaanxi - Gansu - Ningxia. However, leaving their native places captured by the Japanese (before Northern China, Zhang Xue-liang’s army was stationed in Manchuria), the lack of a clear prospect of fighting the aggressor led to the spread of demands for a decisive struggle in Zhang Xue-liang’s troops and, under their influence, in Yang Hu-cheng’s army with the Japanese invaders, to dissatisfaction with the policies of Chiang Kai-shek.
The activities of the communists and the CPC’s calls for the creation of a united national front played an important role in the spread of these sentiments. By the fall of 1936, Zhang Hsueh-liang and Yang Hu-cheng became supporters of an agreement with the CPC, ending the civil war and creating a united front.
In the summer of 1936, unofficial contacts with the CPC were established by representatives of the former 19th Army (which defended Shanghai in 1932), the remnants of which were transferred to Guangxi, as well as a number of military-political groups in southwest China. One of the main reasons for the attraction of various groups to a bloc with the CPC was the desire, with its assistance, to secure military-political support in the event of a war with Japan from the Soviet Union, a faithful and unchanging friend of the Chinese people.
Thus, despite the class nature and interests of various groups, including the Nanjing government, and Chiang Kai-shek’s reluctance to turn to a united front with the CPC, it was possible to force these forces to take a course that met the interests of the Chinese people and the CPC. This was all the more necessary since in the spring and summer of 1936 the Japanese military took new aggressive actions in China.
Pages: 1 2
the fight against fascism in Germany;
the creation of a united anti-fascist front to prevent world war;
the fight against German fascism and Japanese militarism;
the fight against Italian and German fascism;
struggle on two fronts: against fascism and the corrupt social democracy of the West.
2. The VII Congress of the Comintern took place in 1935 in the city:
Leningrad.
Madrid; ;
Barcelona;
3. The Comintern’s tactics of establishing cooperation with all forces from Social Democrats to liberals were first put forward by:
IN AND. Lenin at the Second Congress;
N.I. Bukharin after the Genoa Conference in 1922;
the executive committee of the Comintern after failures in attempts to “push” socialist revolution in Germany and Bulgaria in 1923;
MM. Litvinov after Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933;
VII Congress of the Comintern in 1935
4. General Franco, who launched a fascist rebellion in July 1936 in Spain, received material and technical assistance from:
Greece and Italy;
Italy and Germany;
Germany and Japan;
Japan, Greece, Germany.
5. England and France announced a policy of “non-interference” in the affairs of Spain in 1936, which caused outrage among the left in the world and in Spain:
thousands of volunteers came from different countries peace;
a large consignment of Soviet weapons and military specialists was sent;
partisan detachments of the Comintern were sent to defend the republican system;
brought several tens of tons of gold from the USSR to support the Republicans;
Money began to flow in from workers in Europe, America and China.
6. The USSR announced its support for Republican Spain at the beginning of October 1936, which was expressed in sending the Republicans to help:
1) military equipment and two thousand advisers;
2) advisers not only military, but also in the field of the fight against Trotskyism;
a significant number of volunteer military specialists;
all of the above is true;
1 and 3 are correct.
7. The USSR belatedly announced support for Republican Spain due to its hesitation and fear:
be accused of aggression;
to be accused of exporting revolution;
3) lose the influence of the CPSU(b) in the international communist movement in favor of the Trotskyists;
all of the above is true;
2 and 3 are correct.
8. Events in Spain required combining efforts in the fight against the growing strength of fascism,"Butdemocracies were still weighing:
1 ) to what extent should one increase its weapons;
2) which regime is more dangerous for democracy: fascist or communist;
whether or not Western democracies will cope with fascism on their own;
what is better: to fight fascism on our own or to try to pit fascists and communists in a military conflict;
5) isn't fascism a blessing for Western civilization?
9. USSR in connection with concentration German troops in May 1938, on the border with Czechoslovakia, he expressed his readiness:
provide military assistance, but together with France;
begin mediation negotiations with Germany;
help Czechoslovakia if it asks for it;
discuss the problem with all interested countries;
cooperate with France and England up to the point of joint military action against Germany.
10. The course of France and England to “pacify” the fascist aggressors led to the satisfaction of Germany’s claims to secede the Sudetenland from Czechoslovakia in 1938, secured by a special agreement in:
11. The Anglo-German and Franco-German declarations signed in 1938 were essentially:
anti-Soviet conspiracy;
Anti-Comintern Pact;
a step towards the creation of a military-political bloc of these countries;
only a protocol of intent;
non-aggression pacts.
12. After the signing of the Anglo-German and Franco-German declarations in 1938, the USSR, trying to protect itself, began:
1) war with Finland;
2) military operations (together with Mongolian troops) against the Japanese in the Khalkhin Gol area;
seek rapprochement with China;
searches for a new foreign policy line;
strengthen cooperation with countries that were members of the League of Nations.
13. The first conflict on the Far Eastern borders of the USSR occurred in 1929 due to:at
Damansky Islands;
port of Dalniy;
Lake Khasan;
control over the territory of Northern Manchuria.
14. Chinese Eastern Railway (CER) under the 1924 agreement:
came under the control of the USSR;
came under complete control of China;
partially controlled by Japan;
became completely independent with the right of extraterritoriality within a 200-meter strip;
came under joint Soviet-Chinese control.
15. The conflict on the Chinese Eastern Railway led to the severance of diplomatic relations with China, which were restored:
1) after Japan captured Manchuria in 1931;
in 1936 in connection with the creation of the Anti-Comintern Pact by Japan and Germany;
in connection with the large-scale Japanese aggression against China that began in July 1937;
simultaneously with the conclusion of the non-aggression pact in August 1937;
simultaneously with the signing in March 1936 of a treaty of friendship and mutual assistance between the USSR and Mongolia.
16.Japan attacked China and seized Manchuria from it in... the year:
17. In November 1936, Germany and Japan signed the Anti-Comintern Pact, which they then joined (joined):
Türkiye and Greece;
Greece and Italy;
Italy and Spain;
Spain and Portugal.
18.The non-aggression treaty with China was signed in August:
19. Since 1937, the USSR provided China with significant material and technical assistance in the war against Japan, and the Soviets took part in the hostilities:
paratroopers;
paratroopers and tank crews;
tank crews and artillerymen;
artillerymen and instructors;
instructors and volunteer pilots.
20. In August 1938, a fierce battle took place between Soviet and Japanese troops in the area:
Ulakhe River;
Lake Khasan;
Bolshoi Kamen Bay;
channels of Kazakevich;
Volochaevsk.
21. To indoctrinate the masses in the direction Stalin desired, it was necessary:
1) “simplify” Marxism to a level understandable to the semi-literate population;
remove from Marxism everything that was in conflict with the real policy of the regime;
to absolutize the importance of class struggle in society and the role of violence in the system of dictatorship of the proletariat;
involve school, literature and art, means mass media and science;
use all of the above.
22. The old pre-revolutionary methods of teaching and upbringing (lessons, subjects, grades) in the USSR were returned by decision of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks in... the year:
23. In 1932, all experiments in the field of training programs were announced:
leftist bias;
“leftist deviation” and “hidden Trotskyism”;
“hidden Trotskyism” and “right deviation”;
“right-wing deviation” and “bourgeois nihilism”;
“bourgeois nihilism” and “leftist deviation”.
24. Since 1932, the school has introduced:
fixed schedule;
firm discipline;
a whole range of punishments up to and including expulsion;
all of the above is true;
1 and 2 are correct.
25. Education at school in the 30s was conducted in the spirit of:
collectivism;
conscious discipline;
all of the above is true;
1 and 2 are correct.
26. Education in schools in the 1930s was carried out in the spirit of respect for authority. The highest authority was (were) vested in:
party and state;
I.V. Stalin and the Politburo;
parents;
all senior comrades.
27. Literature, cinema and other forms of art instilled that interests are higher than others:
personalities;
individuals and families;
state and labor collective;
labor collective and party;
communists all over the world.
28. Statement to that effect. that all sciences, including natural and mathematical ones, are political in nature, made:
1)KV. Stalin;
M.I. Kalinin;
N.I. Bukharin;
V.M. Molotov;
L.P. Beria.
29. A resolution that stated: “We will solve the problems facing us using the only scientific method - the method of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin” - was adopted in 1936:
Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks;
Academy of Sciences;
the staff of the Institute of Red Professorship;
Council of People's Commissars;
Supreme Soviet of the USSR.
30. Since 1936, the liquidation of sciences that did not fit into the framework of Stalinist ideology began. Among them:
pedology;
genetics;
psychoanalysis;
sociology;
all mentioned.
31. In an effort to put science at the service of ideologists I.V. Stalin paid close attention to:
1 ) genetics;
2) history;
cybernetics;
sociology;
pedology.
32. The following idea was chosen as the idea that cements society:
communism;
proletarian internationalism;
Soviet patriotism;
leaderism;
fight against internal and external enemies .
33. In literature and cinematography in the 30s, the leading theme became:
Leninist and Stalinist;
revolutionary;
socialist creation;
historical;
5) social justice.
34. In the 30s, research in the field of optics, conducted under the leadership of:
A.F. Ioffe;
P.L. Kapitsa;
B.V. Kurchatova;
I.V. Kurchatova;
SI. Vavilova.
35. In the 1930s, research in the physics of crystals and semiconductors under the leadership of:
A.F. Ioffe;
B.V. Kurchatova;
I.V. Kurchatova;
PL. Kapitsa;
SI. Vavilova.
36. The works of the Soviet scientist P.L. received worldwide recognition. Kapitsa in the region:
semiconductors;
thermodynamics.
radiophysicists;
microphysics;
37. He glorified domestic science with his achievements in the field of radiophysics and optics:
1) P.L. Kapitsa;
SI. Vavilov;
L.I. Mandelstam;
N.I. Vavilov;
I.V. Kurchatov.
38. The following took an active part in the study of the atomic nucleus:
D.D. Ivanenko;
B.V. and I.V. Kurchatovs;
L.D. Mysovsky;
D.V. Skobeltsyn;
all mentioned.
39. Famous scientist N.D. Zelinsky's professional affiliation was:
1) an astronomer;
2)chemist;
3) physicist;
4) biologist;
5) an agronomist.
40. A.N. Bach is known in the history of Russian culture as:
1) composer;
chemist;
plant breeder;
director who directed the first feature film.
41. A significant contribution to applied science was made by the work of chemist scientists:
N.S. Kurnakova;
NE. Lebedeva;
A.E. Favorsky;
all of the above;
1 and 2 are correct.
42. N.I. Vavilov, who enriched world science, was professionally:
agronomist;
mathematician
biologist;
43. D.N. Pryanishnikov is known for his scientific achievements in:
powder metallurgy;
physical chemistry;
mathematics;
physics of crystals and semiconductors;
biology.
44. A significant contribution was made by V.R. William in development:
biology;
mathematics;
astronomy;
oceanology.
45. World achievements noted the contributionB. C. Pustovoit in the development of domestic:
geochemistry;
astrophysicists;
biology;
climatology;
metallurgy.
Test No. 29
1. The resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks) on the unification “into a single union of Soviet writers” supporting the platform of Soviet power was adopted in... the year:
2. In accordance with the resolution of the Central Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of the Soviet Union adopted in 1932 on the unification of all writers supporting the platform of Soviet power, a union (unions) was created in the country:
writers;
artists;
composers;
all of the above is true;
1 and 2 are correct.
3. Creative unions (writers, artists, etc.) were created in the USSR with the aim of:
providing support to young talents;
establishing party control over them;
improving conditions for creative work;
improving the exchange of experience in creative work;
holding creative exhibitions, conferences, etc.
4. Joining and belonging to a creative union in the USSR meant:
demonstration of loyalty to the authorities;
demonstration of dedication to the cause of socialism and communism;
that a creative person took the first step towards joining the Bolshevik Party;
demonstration of Soviet patriotism;
achieving a level of well-being that was inaccessible to ordinary people.
5. For “spiritual” support, the Soviet government provided creative workers with certain material benefits and privileges, including:
use of workshops and creative houses;
receiving advances during long-term creative work;
provision of housing;
all of the above;
1 and 2 are correct.
6. Conscious deviation of members of creative unions from the line pursued by the authorities entailed punishment in the USSR in the form of:
exclusion from the creative union;
deprivation of additional material benefits;
deprivation of the opportunity to publish, organize exhibitions, etc.;
direct bullying or information blockade;
everything stated is correct.
7. In Stalin’s dungeons, the lives of many writers and poets disliked by the regime were cut short, including:
O. Mandelstam and S. Tretyakov;
I. Babel and N. Klyuev;
S. Klychkov and V. Nasedkin;
all mentioned;
1 and 2 are correct.
8. Soviet art was obliged to follow directions (direction):
classicism;
romanticism;
socialist realism;
sentimentalism;
all mentioned.
9. Masters of art, in accordance with the requirements of socialist realism, were obliged to depict life:
according to the real one;
what it should be like in the promised socialism;
in all contradictions without the slightest concealment;
without the “trifles of everyday life”;
prosperous and rich, both in the city and in the village.
10. Soviet art instilled myths, and the majority of the country’s citizens:
readily accepted;
ignored;
ridiculed;
identified with fairy tales for children;
perceived as a hidden mockery of the people .
11. Since the revolutionary events of 1917, the people have lived in an atmosphere:
painful anticipation of the next “intrigues of the enemies of the people”;
the belief that the social revolution of 1917 would bring a wonderful “tomorrow”;
glorifying the leader and promoting popular love for him;
daily labor enthusiasm, which grew into the Stakhanov movement;
almost daily changes on a national scale.
12. In creating the illusion that a happy time has already arrived, a particularly large contribution was made by:
literature;
cinema;
oral propaganda;
newspaper propaganda;
the fact of the abolition of the card system for food products.
13. A brilliant master of pre-war Soviet documentary filmmaking was:
S. Gerasimov;
D. Vertov.
S. Klychkov;
V. Nasedkin;
14. A recognized master among Soviet documentary filmmakers of the 20s - 30s. was:
A. Lentulov.
S. Tretyakov;
S. Gerasimov;
15. In the 1930s he actively worked in the documentary film genre:
M. Saryan;
P. Konchalovsky;
N. Kurnakov;
V. Nasedkin.
16.Left a noticeable mark on Soviet documentary filmmaking:
S. Klychkov;
P. Novitsky;
A. Lentulov;
M. Saryan;
V. Nasedkin.
17. In the history of Soviet culture, A. Zguridi is known as:
documentary filmmaker;
architect.
sculptor;
18. Feature cinema in the USSR was under personal control:
People's Commissar of Education;
“All-Union headman” M.I. Kalinina;
Prosecutor General;
People's Commissar of Internal Affairs;
I.V. Stalin.
19. B art films 30s (except historical ones) interspersed stories about the fight against:
Trotskyists and Bukharinites;
enemies of the people and pests;
saboteurs and saboteurs;
all of the above;
1 and 2 are correct.
20. In the 30s, in accordance with Stalin’s postulate that art should be understandable to the people, innovative attempts in music were suppressed:
symphonic, chamber and opera;
opera and song;
opera and symphony;
5) song, opera and dance
21. Composer I.O. Dunaevsky became best known as
popular songs;
music for films;
popular operettas;
dance music.
D.D. Shostakovich and A.I. Khachaturian;
A. Khachaturyan and V.I. Muradeli;
IN AND. Muradeli and I.O. Dunaevsky;
AND ABOUT. Dunaevsky and B.A. Mokrousov;
B.A. Mokrousov and S.S. Prokofiev.
23. In the 30s, an indispensable attribute of every city and institution became:
busts and portraits of K. Marx;
busts and portraits of F. Engels;
sculptures, busts and portraits of I.V. Stalin;
sculptures, busts and portraits of V.I. Lenin;
portraits of workers and collective farmers, athletes and pioneers.
24. In the 30s, the main criterion for evaluating an artist became:
his professional skill;
ideological orientation of the plot;
his creative personality;
devotion to Soviet power;
genre diversity of his works.
25. In the 1930s, the following began to be considered “petty-bourgeois” excesses in painting:
individual portrait;
all of the above;
1 and 2 are correct .
still life;
26. In the genre of still life and landscape in the 30s such talented artists as:
P. Konchalovsky;
A. Lentulov;
M. Saryan;
all mentioned;
2 and 3 are correct.
27. M. Gorky finally returned to his homeland in... the year:
28. Having finally returned to his homeland, M. Gorky:
finished the novel “The Life of Klim Samgin”;
the play “Egor Bulychev and others”;
the play “Dostigaev and others”;
all mentioned;
2 and 3 are correct.
29. Returning from emigration, A.N. Tolstoy:
I finished the “Walking in Torment” trilogy here;
novel "Peter I";
novel "Stepan Razin";
all mentioned;
1 and 2 are correct.
30. Soviet literature of the 20s - 30s. represented by names such as:
M. Sholokhov and M. Bulgakov;
L. Leonov and A. Platonov;
P. Bazhov and K. Paustovsky;
all mentioned;
1 and 2 are correct.
31. Soviet poetry of the 20s - 30s. represented by names such as:
M. Tsvetaeva and A. Akhmatova;
O. Mandelstam;
P. Vasiliev;
A. Tvardovsky;
all mentioned.
32. Children's literature of the 20s and 30s is represented by the books:
K. Chukovsky and S. Marshak;
A. Barto and S. Mikhalkova;
B. Zhitkova and L. Panteleeva;
V. Bianchi and L. Kassil;
all mentioned.
33. Carrying out the “cultural revolution” proclaimed in the 20s, along with traditional tasks, also had additional tasks related to:
achieving universal literacy;
the undivided triumph of Marxist-Leninist teachings;
3) the proclamation of freedom of conscience and the achievement of universal atheism;
4) the introduction of joint education for boys and girls;
5) ensuring access to higher education for representatives of all estates and classes.
34. The transition to universal compulsory four-year education in the USSR was completed by... the year:
35. Seven-year education in the USSR became compulsory by... year:
36. For the period from 1933 to 1937. More than... thousand new schools were built in the USSR:
37. By the end of the 30s. In the USSR, over... million people studied at school desks:
38. In terms of the number of pupils and students, the USSR came out on top in the world:
by the end of the 20s.
by the beginning of the 2nd Five-Year Plan;
by the end of the 30s;
on the eve of the adoption of the Constitution of 1936;
39. In 1937, 677.8 million copies of books were published in the country in... the languages of the peoples of the USSR:
40. The number of public libraries in the USSR by the end of the 30s exceeded... thousands:
41. An important feature of the cultural revolution was the introduction of people to art through:
creation of new clubs and cultural centers;
children's art houses and exhibitions of amateur works;
widespread amateur performances;
all specified channels;
1 and 2 are correct.
42. In the 30s, the whole country watched popular films:
"Chapaev" and "Alexander Nevsky";
"Circus" and "Jolly Guys";
“Quiet Don” and “Virgin Soil Upturned”;
all mentioned;
1 and 2 are correct.
43. In 1937, the whole country enthusiastically welcomed the pilots who made a non-stop flight to America:
V. Chkalova;
G. Baidukova;
A. Belyakova;
all of the above;
1 and 2 are correct.
44. The materialized symbols of the greatness of the Stalinist state became (became):
All-Union Agricultural Exhibition;
the palace-like halls of Moscow metro stations;
Hotel "Moscow";
Crimean Bridge over the Moscow River;
all mentioned.
45. The sculptural composition “Worker and Collective Farm Woman” was created in the 30s:
L. Kerbel;
V. Mukhina;
A. Shchusev;
E. Unknown;