The Constituent Assembly was created. Reasons and consequences of the dissolution of the constituent assembly

The Constituent Assembly is a political body of power in Russia, created in 1917. In the first and last time it was convened in 1918 to adopt a constitution. The results of his activities were the conclusion of a peace treaty, the nationalization of land, the recognition of Russia as a democratic republic, and the abolition of the monarchy. However, it did not recognize most of her decrees.

In January 1918, the Bolsheviks dispersed

For representatives of most parties of that time, the creation of this political body was due to the need to rid Russia of the outdated system. The Constituent Assembly had special hopes associated with the creation of a legal democratic state.

Lenin was against the creation of this structure, as he considered the Soviet Republic a more perfect form of government. The stronger the forces that were going to oppose it to Soviet power fought for its creation.

The fate of the Constituent Assembly, as well as the path of development of the country, depended on which parties won the elections. The Bolsheviks began to consider in advance the possibility of dissolving the Constituent Assembly if it promoted anti-Soviet decisions.

According to the election results, the Bolsheviks were inferior to many parties. From November 1917 to January 1918, many attempts were made to delay the convocation of the assembly in order to have time to adopt decrees insuring them in the event that the deputies made decisions against Soviet power. At this time, other parties fought to ensure that the work of the Constituent Assembly took place.

Finally, it began work on January 5 (18 - new style) January 1918. Almost immediately, the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist-Revolutionaries left the meeting, and soon declared the activities of the meeting counter-revolutionary. Thus, the Constituent Assembly was dispersed.

In order to prevent a re-convocation, during 1918 the Bolsheviks arrested the most active participants opposition parties.

Another event that caused a wide resonance was the murder of two leaders of the constitutional democratic party - Shingarev and Kokoshkin. This happened on the night from January 6th to 7th.

The dispersal of the Constituent Assembly was another reason for the unleashing. Perhaps this is why the right-wing forces did not put up real resistance to the Bolsheviks when the dissolution was carried out. In other words, the anti-Bolshevik parties hoped to destroy Soviet power by force.

Most members of the Constituent Assembly were arrested and executed by the Bolsheviks during 1918. In addition, the Bolsheviks very quickly took other measures to strengthen their position. The All-Russian Congress of Workers and Peasants was convened, which proclaimed the creation of the Russian Soviet Republic, the principle of equal use of land was approved, and the Declaration of Workers' Rights was adopted.

The convening and dispersal of the Constituent Assembly on January 5-6 (18-19), 1918 is one of the turning points in the development of the Great Russian Revolution. Forceful actions supporters of the Soviet regime thwarted the possibility of forming parliamentary democracy in Russia and carrying out social reforms based on the will of the majority of voters. The dispersal of the meeting was another step towards large-scale civil war.
All participants in the February Revolution, including the Bolsheviks, recognized the Constituent Assembly as the final judge of party disputes. Millions of Russian citizens also believed in this, who believed that it was the will of the national “gathering”, the people’s representatives, that could guarantee both the right to the Earth and the rules political life, according to which the country will have to live. A forceful revision of the decisions of the Assembly at this moment was considered blasphemy, and that is why the subordination of all party leaders to the will of the Assembly could eliminate civil war and guarantee the democratic completion of the revolution and the peaceful multi-party future of the country. However, preparations for the elections to the Constituent Assembly were delayed. A special meeting to prepare the draft Regulations on the elections to the Constituent Assembly began work only on May 25. Work on the draft Regulations on elections to the Constituent Assembly was completed in August 1917. It was decided that it would be elected in general, equal, direct elections by secret ballot according to party lists nominated in territorial constituencies.
On June 14, the Provisional Government scheduled elections for September 17, and the convening of the Constituent Assembly for September 30. However, due to the late preparation of the election regulations and voter lists, on August 9, the Provisional Government decided to schedule elections for November 12, and the convening of the Constituent Assembly for November 28, 1917.

But by this time power was already in the hands of the Bolsheviks. The Bolsheviks promised that they would submit to the will of the Assembly, and hoped to win by convincing the majority that they were right with the help of the first populist measures of the Council people's commissars. Elections to the Constituent Assembly, officially held on November 12 (individual deputies were elected in October-February) brought disappointment to the Bolsheviks - they gained 23.5% of the votes and 180 deputy mandates out of 767. And the parties of supporters of democratic socialism (Socialist Revolutionaries, Social Democrats, Mensheviks and etc.) received 58.1%. The peasantry gave their votes to the Social Revolutionaries, and they formed the largest faction of 352 deputies. Another 128 seats were won by other socialist parties. IN major cities and at the front the Bolsheviks achieved great successes, but Russia was predominantly a peasant country. The allies of the Bolsheviks, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, who broke away from the Socialist Revolutionary Party and were on the AKP lists, received only about 40 mandates, that is, about 5%, and could not change the situation. In those districts where the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries decided to go on their own, they were defeated in most cases.

Composition of the Constituent Assembly following the 1917 elections

In large cities, the irreconcilable opponents of the Bolsheviks, the Cadets, also achieved success, winning 14 seats. Another 95 seats were received by national parties (except socialists) and Cossacks. By the time the meeting opened, 715 deputies had been elected.
On November 26, the Council of People's Commissars decided that in order to open the Constituent Assembly, it was necessary for 400 deputies to arrive in Petrograd, and before that the convening of the Assembly was postponed.

The Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries together had approximately a third of the votes; the Socialist-Revolutionaries were to become the leadership center of the Assembly. The meeting could remove the Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries from power.
The Union for the Defense of the Constituent Assembly held mass demonstrations in support of the early convening of parliament, which was postponed by the Council of People's Commissars.
On November 28, the Council of People's Commissars issued a decree on the arrest of the leaders civil war(meaning anti-Bolshevik uprisings), on the basis of which several cadet deputies were arrested because their party supported the fight against Bolshevism. Along with the cadets, some Socialist Revolutionary deputies were also arrested. The principle of parliamentary immunity did not apply. The arrival of deputies opposed to the Bolsheviks in the capital was difficult.
On December 20, the Council of People's Commissars decided to open the work of the Assembly on January 5. On December 22, the resolution of the Council of People's Commissars was approved by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee. But in opposition to the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks and Left Social Revolutionaries were preparing to convene the Third Congress of Soviets.
After consultations with the Left Social Revolutionaries, the Bolshevik leadership decided to disperse the Constituent Assembly shortly after its convocation. The military advantage in Petrograd was on the side of the Bolsheviks, although many units were rather neutral. The Social Revolutionaries tried to organize military support for the Assembly, but, according to the convincing conclusion of the historian L.G. Protasov, “the Socialist Revolutionary conspiracies were clearly not enough to organize an armed counter-coup - they did not go beyond the necessary defense of the Constituent Assembly.” But if this work had been carried out better, the Assembly could have been defended. However, the Bolsheviks again showed that in the matter of military conspiracies they were more businesslike and inventive. The armored cars prepared by the Social Revolutionaries were disabled. The Social Revolutionaries were afraid to mar the celebration of democracy with shooting, and abandoned the idea of ​​an armed demonstration in support of the Assembly. His supporters had to take to the streets unarmed.
On January 5, the opening day of the Assembly, Bolshevik troops shot a demonstration of workers and intellectuals in its support. More than 20 people died.
For the opening of the meeting, 410 deputies arrived at the Tauride Palace. Quorum has been reached. The Bolsheviks and Left Socialist Revolutionaries had 155 votes.
At the beginning of the meeting, there was a clash at the podium - the Socialist Revolutionaries and Bolsheviks claimed the right to open the meeting, the Socialist Revolutionaries insisted that this should be done by the oldest deputy (he was a Socialist Revolutionary). Bolshevik representative Ya. Sverdlov made his way to the podium and read out a draft declaration written by Lenin, which said: “Supporting Soviet power and the decrees of the Council of People’s Commissars, the Constituent Assembly believes that its task is limited to establishing the fundamental foundations of the socialist reorganization of society.” Essentially these were the terms of capitulation, which would turn the Assembly into an appendage of the Soviet regime. Not surprisingly, the Constituent Assembly refused to even discuss such a declaration.
The leader of the Socialist Revolutionaries, V. Chernov, who was elected chairman of the parliament, gave a conceptual speech in which he outlined the Socialist Revolutionaries’ vision of the most important issues countries. Chernov considered it necessary to formalize the transfer of land to the peasants “into a concrete reality precisely formalized by law.” The chaotic land redistribution started by the Bolsheviks and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries is not capable of providing the peasants with a lasting right to land: “a general shift in land use... is not done with one stroke of the pen... The labor village does not want the lease of state-owned property, it wants labor’s access to the land on its own was not subject to any tribute..."
Agrarian reform was to become the foundation for gradual socialist construction through trade unions, cooperatives and strong local government.
The Bolshevik policy was criticized by most speakers. Bolshevik supporters responded not only from the podium, but also from the gallery, which was packed with their supporters. Democrats were not allowed into the building. The crowd gathered above shouted and hooted. Armed men were aiming from the gallery at the speakers. It took great courage to work in such conditions. Seeing that the majority of the Assembly was not going to give up, the Bolsheviks, and then the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, left parliament. Formally, the quorum disappeared along with them. However, parliament continued to work. In most parliaments around the world, a quorum is required for the opening of parliament, not for it current work. Deputies from the outback were expected to arrive in the coming days.
The remaining deputies discussed and adopted 10 points of the Basic Law on Land, which corresponded to the ideas of the Socialist Revolutionary Party. Without repurchase, having abolished the ownership of land, the law transferred it to the disposal of local authorities.
The debate ended early in the morning on January 6. The head of the guard, anarchist V. Zheleznyakov, citing member of the Council of People's Commissars P. Dybenko, told Chernov that “the guard is tired” and it was time to end the meeting. There was nothing special about this, but the speaker reacted irritably: we will disperse only if they disperse us by force. In the end, they decided that the deputies would continue to work today until they at least quickly adopted the main bills. Zheleznyakov no longer interfered with the work of the Assembly.
The deputies adopted the basis of the law on land, a resolution declaring Russia a democratic federal republic and a declaration of peace, which condemned the separate negotiations of the Bolsheviks and demanded universal democratic world. Then, at twenty minutes to five in the morning, the chairman of the meeting, V. Chernov, closed the meeting, scheduling the next one for five in the evening. When, having slept a little, the deputies again gathered at the Tauride Palace, they found the doors closed - the Bolsheviks announced the dissolution of the Assembly and took away the premises from the supreme body of power. This was the act of dispersing the Constituent Assembly.
Outraged by yesterday's shooting of a peaceful demonstration, the workers of the Semyannikovsky plant supported the elected representatives of Russia and invited the deputies to sit on the territory of their enterprise. The strike grew in the city, soon covering more than 50 enterprises.
Despite the fact that V. Chernov proposed to accept the workers’ proposal, the majority of socialist deputies opposed the continuation of the meetings, fearing that the Bolsheviks might fire at the plant from ships. It is unknown what would have happened if the Bolsheviks had ordered the sailors to shoot at the plant - in 1921, the very fact of a strike in Petrograd caused the Kronstadt sailors to rebel against the Bolsheviks. But in January 1918, the leaders of the Socialist Revolutionaries stopped before the specter of civil war. Deputies left the capital, fearing arrests. On January 10, 1918, the III Congress of Workers, Soldiers, Peasants and Cossacks Deputies met, which proclaimed itself the supreme authority in the country.
Russia's first freely elected parliament was dissolved. Democracy has failed. Now the contradictions between various social strata of Russia could no longer be resolved through peaceful discussions in parliament. The Bolsheviks took another step towards civil war.

IN last years monarchy Russian people demanded reforms. But most of all, he was looking forward to the creation of a democratic government body that would take into account his rights and interests. The idea of ​​​​creating a democratic constituent assembly became a rallying point for all representatives of society: both reformists and radicals. It was also widely supported by revolutionary groups. Octobrists, Cadets, Socialist Revolutionaries, Mensheviks, even moderates - they all supported the constituent assembly.

It seemed that the Russian people were more thirsty for democracy and self-government than . The formation of the Duma in 1906, its betrayal of the Tsar and the ineffective management of the country during February revolution only strengthened the people's desire for a constituent assembly. During the turmoil of 1917, the plan to create a constituent assembly became a beacon of hope for the future, but the Bolshevik Revolution in October 1917 brought the constituent assembly into question. Would the Bolsheviks share their power with the newly elected government agency, which is represented by non-Bolshevik forces?

The answer to this question was received in January 1918. The Constituent Assembly lasted exactly one day, and then was closed. Russia's hopes for democracy were lost.

Provisional Government

It was formed in March 1917 and had two main functions: to organize elections to the Constituent Assembly and to provide temporary government until the assembly came into force. But it took the provisional government more than one month to convene a meeting and organize elections, although in fairness it should be said that the provisional government was not to blame for this delay. Russia did not have the electoral base to hold all-Russian elections based on universal suffrage and secret ballot. These processes had to be built from scratch while the empire was destroyed by war and unrest.

In March 1917, government members promised to organize elections “as soon as possible.” The election commission began meeting in June. The following month, Alexander Kerensky announced that elections would take place at the end of September, but they were postponed until November 25 because provincial areas were not physically ready to hold elections.

Such delays contributed to the decline in popular support for the Provisional Government, not to mention rumors and theories that the government intended to abolish the Constituent Assembly. Radical Bolsheviks accused Kerensky of sabotaging the elections and insisted that responsibility for the elections be transferred to the Soviets. For their part, the Bolsheviks promised to support the meeting provided that it made the “correct” decisions on certain key issues.

The Bolsheviks demanded that the Constituent Assembly carry out land reform and protect the working class from exploitation. On October 27, after seizing power, Lenin announced that the elections would be postponed to November 12. Lenin was wary of the “illusions of the constitution” of the Constituent Assembly, warning that too much reliance on an elected parliament created the risk of a liberal-bourgeois counter-revolution.

Elections to the Constituent Assembly

Elections continued until the end of November, but did not show Bolshevik superiority. The Social Revolutionaries, a land reform party, achieved a majority, winning 370 of the 715 seats. The Bolsheviks won 175 seats, slightly less than a quarter of the entire assembly.

Voting statistics show a clear picture of electoral support for the Bolsheviks. They were the most popular political force in large cities such as Petrograd (43%) and Moscow (46%). The Bolsheviks also enjoyed support among the soldiers, but outside the army and large cities, support for the Bolsheviks fell sharply. In many villages and villages, the percentage of their support after the vote did not show even a double-digit figure.

The election results were decisive in determining the position of the Bolsheviks in relation to the Constituent Assembly. Until a few weeks ago, the Bolsheviks defended and promoted the idea of ​​democratic elections, but after the elections they began to question the legitimacy of this body. Lenin condemned the assembly as a party of the SR, he carried out fierce propaganda against it, trying to reduce its influence and increase the number of its seats in parliament.

There were two weeks left before the next stage of the elections, and the Bolsheviks began to take active action. They arrested members of the election commission and replaced them with their own man, Uritsky. A few days before the scheduled start of voting, the Bolsheviks established a naval garrison in Kronstadt.

It became obvious that military suppression of the Constituent Assembly was inevitable. On the morning of November 28, SOVNARKOM ordered the arrest of the cadet deputies at the meeting and the postponement of the first meeting of the Assembly until the beginning of 1918, citing poor preparation.

Bolshevik dictatorship

The Constituent Assembly was convened on January 5, 1918, despite Bolshevik agitation. First of all, it elected a chairman, the leader of the SR, Viktor Chernov, a staunch opponent of Lenin and his followers. The Assembly also considered the issue of ratifying Soviet decrees on peace and land. Ultimately, Chernov refused to approve these decrees and replaced them with SR decrees.

The next day, the Tauride Palace was barricaded and captured by the Red Guards. They said that by order of the Soviets the assembly would be dissolved. On the same day, Lenin said that the Soviets had taken all power into their own hands and the Constituent Assembly, being an expression of the political ideals of bourgeois society, was no longer needed by the socialist state.

Public outrage over the closure of the Constituent Assembly was suppressed. Some of the former deputies called on the people to rise up and defend the meeting, but the working people seemed happy with the situation. Participants in the meeting made several more attempts to underground form a ruling body, but soon it became too dangerous and the attempts stopped. Russia entered a new era of Bolshevik dictatorship.

The Constituent Assembly is an elected body in some countries, which is usually convened to determine and establish. It also determines the forms of administrative-territorial power and rules of government, and participates in the adoption of laws.

History of creation

In 1917, the All-Russian Constituent Assembly was elected. It was convened the following year on January 5, the reason for this was the overthrow of the monarchy. But soon the All-Russian Executive Central Committee of Soviets dissolved it, and subsequent attempts to reconvene this body of power were unsuccessful. This event further aggravated the civil strife that was observed in the country.

What is a constituent assembly?

Such an assembly is a representative institution, which is based on the general principle of developing a body of laws (the Constitution) and establishing the form of government of the country. The slogan of this institution in 1917 was supported by the Bolsheviks, the Cadets, the Mensheviks, the Socialist Revolutionaries, and representatives of many others. state parties. For the Provisional Government, its convocation was the main task.

How did the convocation take place?

The Constituent Assembly was created by representatives of various parties. The voting results were as follows: only 25% of voters cast their votes for the Bolsheviks, and the Social Revolutionaries became the clear leaders - 59% of the votes. 5% of citizens voted for the Cadets, and about 3% for the Mensheviks. A meeting took place in Petrograd, in which 410 deputies were present.

Why is a constituent assembly needed?

The main tasks of the constituent assembly include establishing political system, determination of administrative-territorial authority, development of new laws, creation of the Constitution. The Constituent Assembly in Russia is a type of temporary acting government. The source of his ideas was the legal quest of medieval sages. Ancient authorities, which were similar to the constituent assembly, decided many important questions, such as the election of kings or other members of government, the creation and implementation of codes of laws, the solution of emerging problems of the state, as well as its individual areas and regions.

Dissolution

After the dissolution of the constituent assembly, the idea of ​​its creation began to be discussed during the end of perestroika. Deputy M.E. Salya believed that the Democratic Union party had the palm in raising the issue of the need to create a constituent assembly. It, in her opinion, was the only possibility of creating a legitimate one in Russia. And in Leningrad in 1991, on November 7, during a demonstration, a banner even appeared: “All power to the Soviets!”

As is known, when a constituent assembly is convened, the power of the country partially passes to the legitimate Duma. Deputies are obliged to immediately dismiss the current government and elect a new one from among other members of the State Duma.

The only meeting

The Social Revolutionaries scheduled a demonstration in support of it on the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, in the defense of which they planned to involve soldiers of the Preobrazhensky and Semenovsky regiments, who at critical moments in 1917 remained neutral or even opposed the Bolsheviks. The Chairman of the Constituent Assembly, Socialist Revolutionary Viktor Chernov, recalled: “The Preobrazhentsy and Semyonovtsy adopted resolutions in favor of the Constituent Assembly. They did not want to believe in the possibility of its defeat. But in the event of violent measures against the people’s representatives, they agreed to defend it, especially if they were supported by the armored division, Having also repeatedly spoken out for the Constituent Assembly, the armored division was going to demonstrate this loyalty on its opening day.” However, Chernov continues, “on the night before the opening of the Constituent Assembly, the workers of the repair shops organized by the Bolsheviks did the work entrusted to them. Through skillful “technical sabotage,” the armored vehicles were turned into motionless piles of iron, as if broken by paralysis.” The result was logical: “In the barracks of the Preobrazhentsy and Semyonovtsy, the mood was gloomy and depressed. They were waiting for the armored cars to arrive and were ready to go with them to the Tauride Palace, hoping that under such conditions the Bolsheviks would retreat without bloodshed. The armored cars did not come. The mood fell.”

Thus, only unarmed peaceful crowds remained on the side of the Bolshevik opponents. Pravda had threatened the day before: “This will be a demonstration of enemies of the people. On January 5, saboteurs, the bourgeoisie, and servants of the bourgeoisie will demonstrate on the streets of Petrograd. Not a single honest worker, not a single conscientious soldier will take part in this demonstration of enemies of the people. Every attempt to penetrate groups of counter-revolutionaries in the area of ​​the Tauride Palace will be vigorously stopped by military force."

However, these threats had no effect. Since the morning of January 5 (18), many, many thousands of “saboteurs” and “servants of the bourgeoisie” walked from different parts of the city to the Tauride Palace.

However, already at the distant approaches to it they were stopped by armed patrols. What happened next is best described by an eyewitness: “A Red Guard in a gray jacket and a white hat snatched the banner from the old man and beat him with a saber. The old man cried, but did not give up the banner. Some woman rushed to his aid. She began to ask the Red Guard to leave the old man. In response, the Red Guard hit the woman on the hand with his sword. Blood sprayed out from under the coat. Having snatched the banner from the old man, the Red Guard burned it along with the other taken banners."

None of the demonstrations in support of the Constituent Assembly made it to the Tauride Palace on that day.

According to official data, on January 5 (18), nine people died in Petrograd. They were buried on January 9 (22), on the 13th anniversary of Bloody Sunday, next to its victims. In Moscow, on the opening day of the Constituent Assembly, six people also became victims of the dispersal of the demonstration in its support. There were victims in other cities as well. For example, as a result of the shooting of a demonstration in the city of Kozlov (now Michurinsk in the Tambov region) the day after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, at least 20 people were killed.

Pravda wrote the day after the demonstration in Petrograd: “Only the most insignificant groups of workers joined this counter-revolutionary demonstration, and, unfortunately, several random victims were torn from their ranks.”

The opening of the Constituent Assembly itself was scheduled for noon. Viktor Chernov recalled: “The opening of the meeting was supposed to take place at noon: but the Bolsheviks and their allies are still conferring. An hour passes in the afternoon: they are not ready. The second hour expires: the same thing. The third, fourth is coming... Should we start without them? We risk not reach quorum."

As a result, the meeting of the Constituent Assembly was opened at about four o'clock in the afternoon. And already at the stage of its opening it became obvious that its fate was sealed.

In the “Conclusion of the legal meeting on the procedure for opening the Constituent Assembly...” it was proposed, according to tradition, to “recognize the oldest deputy as temporary chairman.” However, on November 26 (December 9), the Council of People's Commissars adopted its decree on the conditions for the opening of the Constituent Assembly, which stated that "the meeting is opened by a person authorized to do so by the Council of People's Commissars."

The Socialist Revolutionaries, who had a majority in the Constituent Assembly, decided to adhere to the conclusion of the legal meeting. The oldest deputy there was the Socialist Revolutionary Yegor Lazarev, however, obviously, given the severity of this mission in the current circumstances, the Socialist Revolutionaries chose the second oldest, but physically stronger, Sergei Shvetsov. Here is how Viktor Chernov describes what follows: “The figure of S.P. Shvetsov rises to the podium. And at once, on cue, a terrifying cacophony is heard. Foot stamping, music stands knocking, screams, a cat concert. The Left Socialist Revolutionary sector competes with the Bolsheviks.

Yakov Sverdlov
Chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee

The choirs join in. Knocks the butts of the guard on the floor. He takes the bell. You can see how it dangles in his hand. But no sound is heard. He places the bell on the table - some figure immediately takes possession of it and takes it away to hand it to Sverdlov, who is entering the hall. Taking advantage of the momentary lull, Shvetsov manages to utter the sacramental phrase: “The meeting of the Constituent Assembly is opening.” A new explosion of deafening noise. Shvetsov leaves the podium and returns to us. Sverdlov takes his place to open the meeting for the second time in the name of the Council of People's Commissars."

Chernov is biased, but he does not distort the facts. This is what the Bolshevik Fyodor Raskolnikov recalled about this moment, not without pride: “Seeing that Shvetsov was seriously going to open the meeting, we begin frantic obstruction: we shout, whistle, stamp our feet, bang our fists on thin wooden music stands. When all this does not help, we jump up from their seats and shouting “down with us!” we rush to the chairman’s podium. The right-wing Socialist Revolutionaries rush to the defense of the elder. A light hand-to-hand fight takes place on the parquet steps of the podium.”

The audience in the choirs, which Chernov mentions, actually played a significant role in the disorganization of the only meeting of the Constituent Assembly. As Chernov wrote, “Uritsky distributed tickets to the galleries. And he distributed...” It is obvious that, based on the results of this distribution, the majority of the audience in the choir were supporters of the Bolsheviks. There are memoirs of a typist from E.P. Uritsky’s office. Selyugina under the unequivocal title “How I dispersed the Constituent Assembly,” in which she tells how, equipped with rattles and whistles, spectators on command made noise and shouted what they were told by a prominent party worker, Sergei Gusev, who was hiding behind the curtain. “We gathered that day for a meeting, as if in a theater, we knew that there would be no action today, there would only be a spectacle,” wrote the left Socialist Revolutionary Sergei Mstislavsky, who was not himself a deputy.

Victor Chernov
Leader of the Social Revolutionaries

Maria Spiridonova
One of the leaders of the Left Social Revolutionaries

However, let us return to the question of the chairman, since Yakov Sverdlov only had to open the meeting. The Social Revolutionaries nominated Viktor Chernov, who had previously been elected head of a dispersed private meeting of members of the Constituent Assembly, as chairman. As the Secretary of the Constituent Assembly Mark Vishnyak wrote, a much better candidate would be former chairman Nikolai Avksentiev of the Pre-Parliament was also dispersed by the Bolsheviks, but “there was no choice - the natural chairman Avksentiev was in the Peter and Paul Fortress.” “Chernov, moreover, was less affected by Bolshevik slander and falsehoods than other Socialist Revolutionary leaders,” added Vishnyak.

The Bolsheviks nominated the left-wing Socialist-Revolutionary Maria Spiridonova, famous for her terrorist past, in defiance of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and in the hope of drawing back some of their votes, but their plan failed: Chernov was nevertheless elected chairman of the Constituent Assembly by a large margin.

The very fact that the Constituent Assembly had one chairman, and not a full-fledged presidium, was caused by the Social Revolutionaries’ fear that the Bolsheviks would be able to disrupt the meeting by leaving it and thus making the incomplete presidium illegitimate. “The Constituent Assembly could be “occupied” with the election of the presidium and kill the entire meeting. It could be disrupted and blown up at any little thing: in a dispute about the order of the day, just as easily as in the personal outburst of an individual member of the assembly.<...>It was absolutely necessary to end the first meeting in such a way that there would be something left after it.<...>Hence the special “First Day Commission” formed by the bureau of the Socialist Revolutionary faction.<...>Her plan was simple. When yielding and retreating before the enemy, under no circumstances accept battle in unfavorable positions,” wrote Mark Vishnyak. However, as you know, these tricks did not save the Constituent Assembly. “Everything was taken into account except for a gang of drunken sailors who filled the galleries of the Tauride Palace, and the unparliamentary cynicism of the Bolsheviks,” stated Vishnyak.

Already in the speech preceding Spiridonova’s nomination as a candidate for chairman, the Bolshevik Ivan Skvortsov-Stepanov stated: “Citizens sitting on the right, the gap between us has long been completed. You were on one side of the barricade with the White Guards and cadets, we were on the other side of the barricade with the soldiers , workers and peasants. Everything is over between us. You are in one world - with the cadets and the bourgeoisie; we are in another world - with the peasants and workers."

The Bolsheviks “came out” to the Constituent Assembly with the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People,” written by Lenin with the participation of Stalin and Bukharin, which, among other things, said:

The Constituent Assembly decides:

Russia is declared a republic of Soviets of workers, soldiers and peasants' deputies. All power at the center and locally belongs to these Soviets.

By supporting Soviet power and the decrees of the Council of People's Commissars, the Constituent Assembly recognizes that its tasks are exhausted general development the fundamental foundations of the socialist reorganization of society.

As Mark Vishniac wrote, “Lenin could have formulated his conditions more simply and briefly: let the anti-Bolsheviks become Bolsheviks, and the Constituent Assembly will be recognized as competent and, perhaps, even sovereign.” However, no one, especially the Bolsheviks themselves, had any illusions that the non-Bolshevik part of the Constituent Assembly would never accept this document, which was a pretext for leaving it. A few days later, the “Declaration...” was adopted by the Third Congress of Soviets with minimal changes. Where previously it was printed “The Constituent Assembly Resolves”, now there was “The Third All-Russian Congress of Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies Resolves”.

Viktor Chernov wrote: “Whoever reads the verbatim report of this meeting will not have even the remotest impression of what actually happened.” Indeed, the transcript of the only meeting of the Constituent Assembly looks strangely short considering that it lasted about 12 hours. However, if you start reading it and know a few additional facts, it stops seeming strange. Firstly, the meeting was in complete bedlam, and the speech of almost every speaker was constantly interrupted by shouts from the seats, or even worse. So, for example, in the transcript there is the following moment:

Efremov. Citizens are members of the Constituent Assembly. Before I say what is torn from my heart and soul, I want... (Voice: Murder will occur! A revolver is taken away from a member of the Constituent Assembly.)

Perhaps the transcript reflects this situation described by Viktor Chernov: “The Left Socialist Revolutionary men are rebelling: they are ordered from the Constituent Assembly to receive the peasant labor right to land. There is disorganization and bickering in their ranks. One Left Socialist Revolutionary suddenly grabs a revolver and threatens another.”

Chernov himself was shouted from the audience during his speech: “You can’t do without a bullet!” Left Socialist Revolutionary Alexey Feofilaktov almost shot Irakli Tsereteli on the podium - at the last moment he was disarmed by one of the leaders of the faction, Vladimir Karelin. Here is how Mark Vishniac describes this episode: “Revolvers were taken out and almost put into use in another place - on the Left Socialist Revolutionary and Ukrainian benches. Only facial expressions, gestures and a revolver, selected by the “senior” of the Left Socialist Revolutionary faction Karelin, are visible. You can hear: “Ask Sorry, bastard!"

Secondly, a huge part of the meeting was taken up by the introductory part. It is known that the voting for the election of chairman alone lasted three (!) hours. Viktor Chernov’s speech took another two hours, which was interrupted more than 60 times. Speech, by the way, was extremely weak. “It was not that. It was one of many, everyday and ordinary-template speeches - far from the best even for Chernov,” wrote Mark Vishniac. Even worse, in the opinion of many, was that in his speech Chernov seemed to be flirting with the Bolsheviks and leaving a loophole for the possibility of further collaboration with them.

Irakli Tsereteli
Member of the Menshevik faction in
Constituent Assembly

The remaining time was spent on mutual accusations and demagoguery. Against this background, the brilliant speech of the Menshevik Irakli Tsereteli, who in the summer of 1917 was perhaps the most authoritative figure in the Soviets, stands out sharply. “Met by a roar and howl unusual even for this meeting: “Traitor!.. Executioner!” Traitor!.. Death penalty! (meaning recovery support death penalty at the front by the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, which included Tsereteli - approx. TASS)," - by the end of his speech, he managed to force himself to listen to the Bolsheviks," wrote Vishnyak. However, even this brilliant speech could not influence the course of the meeting, which was rushing to an obvious end.

As a result, at about 11 pm, at the request of the Bolsheviks, a break was announced in the meeting. During this break, a meeting of the Bolshevik faction was held, at which, after Lenin’s speech, the decision to leave the Constituent Assembly was approved.

Fyodor Raskolnikov
Member of the Bolshevik faction in
Constituent Assembly

It is interesting that Lenin himself was extremely nervous on the eve of the opening of the meeting and at initial stage its meetings. Vladimir Bonch-Bruevich wrote that Lenin “was worried and was deathly pale as never before.” However, very soon, seeing what was happening, Lenin calmed down, collapsed in his chair, and then completely “reclined on the steps (tribunes - TASS note) either looking bored or laughing merrily.” “Lenin in the “government box” demonstrates his contempt for the “Uchredilka”, lying down at full length and taking on the appearance of a man asleep from boredom,” confirmed Viktor Chernov. However, after a few hours, the stress Lenin suffered still made itself felt. Nikolai Bukharin recalled: “On the night of the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, Vladimir Ilyich called me to his place. I had a bottle of good wine in my coat pocket, and we sat at the table for a long time. In the morning, Ilyich asked me to repeat something from what was said about the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly and suddenly he laughed. He laughed for a long time, repeated the words of the narrator to himself and laughed, laughing, contagiously. We didn’t immediately understand that this was hysteria. “That night we were afraid that we would lose him.”

After the end of the break, only two Bolsheviks returned to the hall. One of them, Fyodor Raskolnikov, announced the following declaration on behalf of his faction:

The vast majority labor Russia- workers, peasants, soldiers presented the Constituent Assembly with a demand to recognize the gains of the great October Revolution, - Soviet decrees on land, peace, workers' control, and above all to recognize the power of the Soviets of Workers', Soldiers' and Peasants' Deputies.

The All-Russian Central Executive Committee, fulfilling the will of the vast majority of the working classes of Russia, proposed that the Constituent Assembly recognize this will as binding for itself. The majority of the Constituent Assembly, however, in agreement with the claims of the bourgeoisie, rejected this proposal, challenging the entire working people of Russia.

The debate over the course of the whole day showed firsthand that the party of the right Socialist Revolutionaries, as under Kerensky, feeds the people with promises, verbally promises them anything and everything, but in reality decided to fight against the workers', peasants' and soldiers' Soviets, against socialist measures, against the transfer of lands and all equipment without redemption to the peasants, against the nationalization of banks, against the cancellation of public debts.

Not wanting to cover up for a minute the crimes of the enemies of the people, we declare that we are leaving this Constituent Assembly in order to transfer to the Soviet government the final decision on the issue of attitude towards the counter-revolutionary part of the Constituent Assembly.

According to the memoirs of Mark Vishnyak, “it (the declaration announced by Raskolnikov - TASS) made a huge impression on the guard soldiers. Many of them took their rifles at the ready,” preparing to shoot the rest of the Constituent Assembly. Further stay in the hall of the Tauride Palace finally began to pose a danger to the lives of members of the assembly:

“Armed people, after the departure of the Bolsheviks, more and more often, in order to pass the time, “for fun,” raised a rifle and took aim either at someone on the podium or at the shiny skull of old man Minor (Socialist Revolutionary Osip Minor - TASS note) ... Guns and revolvers threatened every minute to discharge themselves, hand bombs and grenades to explode themselves. Some sailor, recognizing Bunakov-Fundaminsky (Socialist Revolutionary Ilya Fondaminsky - TASS note) as the former commissar of the Black Sea Fleet, without much thought, immediately took him from the podium. gun at the ready. And only the frantic cry of a random neighbor, “brother, come to your senses!”, accompanied by a blow to the shoulder, stopped the naughty sailor.

Some of the members of the assembly are trying to convince the soldiers of the correctness of the Constituent Assembly and the criminality of the Bolsheviks. It comes:

And Lenin will have a bullet if he deceives!..

The commandant’s office helpfully reports that the authorities do not guarantee deputies from being shot in the meeting room.”

After leaving the Constituent Assembly, the Bolsheviks held a meeting of the Council of People's Commissars right there, in the Tauride Palace, at which Lenin outlined the theses of the decree dissolving the assembly, which was adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Committee a day later.

Soon after the Bolsheviks, the Left Socialist Revolutionaries also left the meeting. The “counter-revolutionary part” of the Constituent Assembly that remained in the hall, despite the behavior of the public in the choir, tried to move towards the adoption of the long-awaited laws on peace, land and state structure Russia.

However, quite soon a famous scene took place, which is so eloquent in the transcript itself that it does not require additional comments:

"Chairman (reads). "The right of ownership of land within the Russian Republic is now and forever abolished...”

Citizen sailor. “I have received instructions to bring to your attention that all those present leave the meeting room because the guard is tired.”

Anatoly Zheleznyakov
Head of security at Tavrichesky
palace

“Citizen Sailor” was the same anarcho-communist appointed head of security, Anatoly Zheleznyakov, who went down in history with this phrase. A few days later, speaking from the same rostrum of the Tauride Palace, Zheleznyakov, who had become a celebrity, proclaimed: “We are ready to shoot not just a few, but hundreds and thousands; if a million is needed, then a million.”

The transcript again shows quite eloquently how crumpled the rest of the meeting of the Constituent Assembly was:

Chairman. The following proposal was made: end the meeting of this meeting by adopting the read part of the basic law on land without debate, and transfer the rest to the commission for presentation within seven days. (Voting.) The proposal was accepted. The peace resolution was also adopted. So, citizen members of the Constituent Assembly, you have accepted the main provisions that I announced on the land issue... on an equal basis... (inaudible)... within seven days.

The statement of appeal to the civilized world, read and read by the chairman on the convening of a socialist conference in Stockholm, is accepted, an international conference on behalf of the Constituent Assembly of the Federal Russian Republic is invited, together with the declaration, to be accepted by the Allied and other powers. (Validation.) Accepted... Another addition on behalf of the Social Democratic (Menshevik - TASS note) faction. I propose the following addition: “The Constituent Assembly declares...” (Reads.) (Ballotment.) Accepted.

At 04:40 on January 6 (19), the meeting of the Constituent Assembly was closed. The next meeting was scheduled for 17:00 the same day. “Comrade soldiers and sailors” were ordered by Lenin “not to allow any violence against the counter-revolutionary part of the Constituent Assembly and, while freely releasing everyone from the Tauride Palace, not to let anyone into it without special orders.” However, evidence has been preserved that Anatoly Zheleznyakov was considering the possibility of disobeying Lenin’s instructions and that well-wishers warned Viktor Chernov not to get into his car, around which a group of sailors was crowding. The Chairman of the Constituent Assembly walked away in the opposite direction.

When the next day the first deputies approached the Tauride Palace at the appointed time, they found guards with machine guns and two field guns in front of sealed doors on which hung a notice: “By order of the Commissioner, the Tauride Palace building is closed.”

A day after the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly, on the night of January 7 (20), the All-Russian Central Executive Committee adopted a decree written by Vladimir Lenin on its dissolution, which stated:

The Constituent Assembly, elected from lists drawn up before the October Revolution, was an expression of the old balance of political forces, when the Compromisers and Cadets were in power.

The people could not then, when voting for candidates of the Socialist Revolutionary Party, make a choice between the right Socialist Revolutionaries, supporters of the bourgeoisie, and the left, supporters of socialism. Thus, this Constituent Assembly, which was supposed to be the crown of the bourgeois-parliamentary republic, could not help but stand across the path of the October Revolution and Soviet power.

Any rejection of the full power of the Soviets, of the Soviet Republic won by the people in favor of bourgeois parliamentarism and the Constituent Assembly would now be a step back and the collapse of the entire October Workers' and Peasants' Revolution.

The Constituent Assembly, opened on January 5, gave, due to circumstances known to everyone, a majority to the party of the Right Socialist Revolutionaries, the party of Kerensky, Avksentiev and Chernov. Naturally, this party refused to accept for discussion the absolutely precise, clear, and not allowing for any misinterpretation proposal of the supreme body of Soviet power, the Central Executive Committee of the Soviets, to recognize the program of Soviet power, to recognize the “Declaration of the Rights of the Working and Exploited People,” to recognize October Revolution and Soviet power. Thus, the Constituent Assembly severed all connections between itself and Soviet Republic Russia. The departure from such a Constituent Assembly of the Bolshevik and Left Socialist-Revolutionary factions, which now constitute obviously a huge majority in the Soviets and enjoy the confidence of the workers and the majority of peasants, was inevitable.

It is clear that the remainder of the Constituent Assembly can therefore only play the role of covering the struggle of the bourgeois counter-revolution to overthrow the power of the Soviets.

Therefore, the Central Executive Committee decides:

The Constituent Assembly is dissolved.

Collapse More details