The Secret Doctrine of Blavatsky Helena Petrovna read online. The Secret Doctrine with Commentaries. The world's evil comes out of hiding

A work by V.I. Lenin, written in February - May 1904 and published in May of the same year. This work developed the organizational principles of a new type of Marxist party, which became the organizational foundations of the Communist Party Soviet Union and all fraternal communist parties. In this book, Lenin rebuffed the Menshevik campaign to disrupt the decisions of the Second Congress of the RSDLP. Having seized the central organ of the party, the newspaper Iskra, the Mensheviks on its pages carried out unbridled propaganda of organizational licentiousness, undermining party spirit and party discipline and justifying anarchic indiscipline, and in every possible way prevented the creation of a truly Marxist party capable of leading the struggle of the working class for socialism.

The Mensheviks were supporters of a reformist party, not a revolutionary one, and wanted a workers' party in Russia modeled on the Western European parties of the Second International. In the book “One Step Forward, Two Steps Back” V.I. Lenin showed that the Marxist party is part of the working class, its conscious, vanguard, armed with knowledge of the laws social development, knowledge of laws class struggle that the party is the political leader of the working class, its military headquarters, and anyone who denies this feature of the party provides labor movement elements, makes it trade unionist. The party, V.I. Lenin points out, is not just a progressive, conscious part of the working class, it is an organized detachment, welded together by the unity of will, action and discipline, and therefore always stands in the forefront of the fighting proletariat, brings the spirit of organization and discipline to the millions of non-party people workers and workers.

The party is not only the advanced organized part of the working class, it is the highest form of its class organization. In the struggle against the bourgeoisie, the proletariat creates various associations- trade unions, parliamentary factions, cooperatives, youth unions, cultural and educational institutions, etc. But each of these organizations that has great importance in the class struggle of the working class, defends only its partial interests. In order for the class struggle of the proletariat to be united, purposeful and aimed at resolving fundamental interests, an organization is needed that would stand at the head of all proletarian associations, guide them along the revolutionary path, and subordinate all their activities to the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat. Only a Marxist party can be such an organization.

The party is able to fulfill the role of a fighter for the dictatorship of the proletariat if it is firmly connected with the broad by the masses, is not fenced off from them, is constantly replenished due to the best people working class. A party can function correctly when it is organized on the principles of centralism (and in legal conditions on the principles of democratic centralism), with a single charter, a single party discipline, a single governing body in the person of the party congress, and in the intervals between congresses - in the person of the party Central Committee, with the subordination of the minority to the majority, individual organizations to the center, and lower organizations to higher ones. Lenin developed the basic principles of party leadership, the most important of which is the principle of collective leadership.

A party can only be a militant, revolutionary organization if it demands the strictest discipline from all its members - rank and file and leaders - if there are no people in the party for whom party discipline is not obligatory. These are the organizational principles of the Marxist party, developed by Lenin in his book. "Her historical meaning is that in it Lenin was the first in the history of Marxism to develop the doctrine of the party as the leading organization of the proletariat, as the main weapon in the hands of the proletariat, without which it is impossible to win the struggle for the proletarian dictatorship" (“History of the CPSU(b). Short Course" ).

Relying on the solid foundation of Marxism, Lenin showed in his book that the parties of the Second International, which arose during the period of relatively peaceful development of capitalism and were adapted to parliamentary struggle alone, turned out to be unsuitable in the new era, when class clashes take on an open character, when the order of the day is put the question of power, of the dictatorship of the proletariat. “The proletariat,” wrote Lenin, “has no other weapon in the struggle for power except organization.

Disunited by the dominance of anarchic competition in the bourgeois world, crushed by forced labor for capital, constantly thrown “to the bottom” of complete poverty, savagery and degeneration, the proletariat can and will inevitably become an invincible force only due to the fact that its ideological unification by the principles of Marxism is secured by the material unity of the organization, rallying millions of working people into the army of the working class. Neither the decrepit power of the Russian autocracy, nor the decrepit power of international capital can withstand this army.”

May 2012 marked the 108th anniversary of the publication of V.I.’s book. Lenin "One step forward, two steps back, The crisis in our party." Today, when power in Russia has been seized by arrogant, illiterate, stupid money-grubbing thieves, and the working people of Russia are lost, like blind men, among three pines and are rushing around in panic, thinking that they are in a dense forest from which there is no way out, every patriot of Russia simply needs to remember and read this brilliant work of Lenin. It is in this work that there is an answer to the eternal Russian questions: “What to do?”, “Who are we?”, “Who are our friends and who are our enemies?”

In this book V.I. Lenin created a coherent doctrine of the proletarian party, developed the organizational principles of Bolshevism, and determined the political significance of the division of the RSDLP into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks at the 2nd Party Congress. This book was written in February - May, published in May 1904 in Geneva. In Full collection op., 5th ed., published in volume 8, p. 185-414.

In the context of the growing revolution in Russia, explaining to the party masses the reasons for the split at the Second Congress of the RSDLP (1903) and the post-congress struggle of Bolshevism against Menshevism acquired paramount importance. Assuring the party that there were no fundamental differences with the Bolsheviks, the Mensheviks intensified their schismatic activities; they distorted the essence of internal party disagreements, declared the supposedly accidental nature of the victory of the Leninists at the congress; on the non-obligatory implementation of decisions of the congress and central bodies of the party; the subordination of the minority to the majority was viewed as a “crude mechanical” suppression of the will and freedom of party members, and party discipline as “ serfdom"; in essence they opposed the creation of a single, cohesive party built on the principles of centralism, and defended the autonomy of party organizations in relation to the party Central Committee.

Lenin showed that the division into Bolsheviks and Mensheviks was a direct continuation of the division of Social Democracy into a revolutionary and opportunist wing, which arose during the period of the struggle of Iskra against Economism. “... The basis of the new division,” Lenin pointed out, “is a disagreement on organizational issues, which began with a dispute about the principles of organization (§ 1 of the charter) and ended with “practice” worthy of anarchists” (ibid., p. 373). The success of the congress was a step forward in the creation of a revolutionary proletarian party, and the splitting actions of the Mensheviks were two steps back. For the preparation of the masses for the revolution could only be carried out if there was ideological and organizational unity of the party, centralized leadership of party organizations.

The Bolsheviks viewed the party as the leader of the class, while the Mensheviks did not actually distinguish the party from the entire class. Exposing the organizational opportunism of the Mensheviks, which appeared at the congress during the discussion of § 1 of the Charter - on party membership, which grew into a system of opportunist views, Lenin pointed out that the Mensheviks’ desire to grant every striker the right to be called a member of the RSDLP blurred the line between the vanguard and the rest of the working class, ultimately In the end, the party was doomed to tailor-made adaptation to the backward strata of the proletariat. The Party, as the vanguard of the working class, cannot be confused with the entire class. The party is the most conscious part of the working class; it is armed with knowledge of the laws of social development and class struggle and is therefore capable of leading the proletariat.

The party is not only advanced, but also an organized detachment of the working class. It will be able to fulfill the role of leader only under conditions of high organization and discipline, unity of will and actions of its members.

The party is the highest form of class organization of the proletariat. She is called to lead everyone mass organizations working class (professional, cooperative, youth, women's, etc.), uniting their efforts in the struggle against the exploiting classes. The party is the embodiment of the connection between the vanguard of the working class and the millions of masses of the proletariat and all working people.

The party can become a strong and cohesive organization only if it is built on the principles of centralism, which means the construction and work of the party on the basis of a single charter, its leadership from a single center, which is the party congress, and between congresses - the Central Committee of the party, a single discipline for ordinary party members and her executives, subordination of the minority to the majority, of lower organizations to higher ones. Lenin pointed out that centralism does not at all contradict the democracy inherent in the Marxist party from the moment of its inception, that under legal conditions the party should be built on the principles of democratic centralism. However, in underground conditions, Lenin put in first place the principle of centralism, which alone could ensure the combat effectiveness of the party, which was subjected to brutal repression by the authorities. But a centralized and disciplined Marxist party builds its work on the basis of internal party democracy, collective leadership, criticism and self-criticism.

Lenin's main idea, running through the entire book, is his definition of the decisive importance of organization for the proletariat. The strength of the working class lies in organization. Without organization, the proletariat is nothing; organized, it is everything. “The proletariat has no other weapon in the struggle for power except organization,” Lenin wrote. -... The proletariat can and will inevitably become an invincible force only due to the fact that its ideological unification by the principles of Marxism is secured by the material unity of the organization, rallying millions of workers into the army of the working class. Neither the decrepit power of the Russian autocracy, nor the decrepit power of international capital can withstand this army” (ibid., pp. 403-04).

Lenin's book was widely distributed in local party organizations and had a huge influence on party cadres, becoming a powerful ideological weapon in the fight against Menshevism. In 1907, the book was republished in the collection “For 12 Years” in the Bolshevik publishing house “Zerno” (St. Petersburg).

V. I. Lenin's book occupies an important place in the history of the development of Marxist-Leninist theory, in the history of the CPSU and the entire world communist movement. Lenin's principles for building a revolutionary proletarian party are of enduring importance and are confirmed by the experience of the entire world revolutionary movement.

Lenin's book was published 151 times with a total circulation of 9150.4 thousand copies. in 43 languages ​​of the peoples of the USSR and foreign countries (data as of January 1, 1977).

Max Handel

Blavatsky and the Secret Doctrine

About the book:

She did what no orientalist with all his learning would have done, what all orientalists together would not have done, with all their knowledge of oriental languages ​​and their studies of the literature of the East. Not one of them could synthesize such a material from a material with similar colors. important work. None of them was able to create space out of that chaos - but a Russian woman with a low level of education did it. Without being a scientist and without claiming this title, she somewhere received knowledge that allowed her to do something that no one else would have done: neither a scientist nor an amateur.

Introduction

If this short essay about H.P. Blavatsky and The Secret Doctrine had not been published, all students of metaphysics and mysticism would have suffered real harm.

Max Handel, a Christian mystic, pays tribute to Helena Blavatsky, an Eastern occultist. He does not pay attention to the small differences that separate the West and the East, and admires great wisdom, which Asia abounds in, richly saturating the fields of world thought. Great is the mind that rejoices in the greatness of other minds. Max Handel’s tribute to the memory of Blavatsky’s work and her Teachers is truly a wonderful gesture for our world, which, alas, is stingy with such good impulses.

We live by norms of criticism and condemnation, with little respect for the work of others. Sects and creeds build walls around themselves, and only heroic souls in whom spiritual perception is truly awakened can rise above these apparent limitations. Think back to the books you've read and remember how rarely any writer has spoken well of another. Every person who is unyielding in his own convictions has little regard for the opinions of others. There are many teachers in this world who teach with words, but only a few who teach noble example generous deeds.

In his textbook of Christian metaphysics, The Rosicrucian Cosmoconception, Max Handel refers to H.P. Blavatsky as a “devoted disciple of the Eastern Teachers,” and in the same paragraph he writes about her great book “The Secret Doctrine” as an “unsurpassed work.” With deep respect for spiritual values, Max Handel demonstrates highest degree his competence, recognizing the fundamental dignity of the work of E.P. Blavatsky. The Christian mystic is revealed here as a true student of Eastern occultism. His summary The "Secret Doctrine" in the last part of this book shows a surprisingly deep understanding of the monumental spiritual traditions of Asia. In several concise and in simple words Mr. Handel summarized cosmogenesis, the formation of the world, and anthropogenesis, the formation of man. Both Rosicrucians and Theosophists, if they are truly genuine students of the occult sciences, will benefit from an analysis of this summary.

The manuscript of this book should be considered the first literary achievement of Max Handel. It was the beginning of a noteworthy metaphysical literature devoted to the application of mystical idealism to the existing problems of painfully suffering humanity. It said that “the first will be last.” This small book brought to print only the remainder of Max Handel's unpublished manuscript. The manuscript originally consisted of notes from two lectures given before the Theosophical Society in Los Angeles. During the years spent preparing these lectures, Max Handel significantly increased his level of mystical knowledge and rightfully earned recognition as America's foremost Christian mystic. However, his reverence and respect for Blavatsky did not change in any way over time, and until the day of his death he always spoke of her with words of the highest admiration. This was the merit of Blavatsky’s books, from which Max Handel received the first knowledge of the occult sciences in his life. He considered gratitude to be the cardinal law of occultism, and his pure soul retained to the end a wonderful spirit of gratitude for the inspiration and teaching he received from the Secret Doctrine.

Both Madame Blavatsky and Mr. Handel dedicated their lives to the service of humanity. Each of them was dedicated to the dissemination of spiritual knowledge. They were rewarded, for the most part, with ingratitude, persecution and misunderstanding. They suffered from the deceit of friends and learned how cruel the world can be to those who seek to instruct and improve it. Only the leader of a spiritual movement can imagine how difficult the responsibility of a leader can be. Helena Blavatsky had already passed into the invisible world when Max Handel began his ministry. They never met on the physical plane. Max Handel came to understand Blavatsky through years of similar service to the same highest ideals. He came to understand her as only a mystic can, and his appreciation of her fidelity and her patience was all the more profound because of the misfortunes he himself had suffered.

As E.P. Blavatsky as well as Max Handel gave their lives to remarkable service to the spiritual needs of the race. They went to their graves equally early, broken by responsibility and persecution. Each left, as a legacy to the future generation, metaphysical literature that will survive the vicissitudes of fate.

The true aims of mysticism are to perpetuate, explain and apply the idealism of race. A person turns to religion for guidance, support and consolation. We want religion to stand behind us as we try to live honestly.

We need to know that somewhere there is a close-knit group of people who adhere to spiritual values ​​in a collapsing material world. We are all looking for inspiration. We crave ideals. We want a worthy goal that unites our activities. We wish to establish in this vale of tears a spiritual system that will rise above everyday life. We want to come to a life that recognizes our spiritual organizations as oases in the desert of materialism.

Civilization is undergoing the throes of a great period of transformation. Man, as never before in history, is looking for a solution to urgent and serious problems. Church and state alike realize that they can unite as the world they know fades into oblivion.

In all parts of the civilized world there are men and women devoted to the mystical explanation of life. These men and women follow a code of spiritual ethics based on two great principles: the Fatherhood of God and the Brotherhood of Man. Students are, for the most part, organized into various groups, large and small, for the purpose of self-improvement and social progress. Such groups can be divided into two types: the first, whose inspiration is essentially Christian; and the second, essentially eastern. Although these groups are separate, the main goals they strive for are identical for all enlightened religious movements, since their main goal and intention is the rebirth of man and humanity.

Max Handel was a pioneer in Christian mysticism, and Blavatsky was a pioneer in Eastern occultism. Both created systems of thought that spread throughout poor-spirited humanity. They left not only their organizations, but also the seeds they sown in the hearts of people, which subsequently sprouted and bore fruit in many parts of the world, where other organizations were created in the same vein. For this reason there is a significant body of mystics and occultists in America, and their numbers are increasing daily by sincere men and women whose hearts and minds are in need of some reasonable explanation of the changes taking place in society.

Almost all students of the occult sciences in America are familiar with the work done by Helena Blavatsky and Max Handel. The lives of these two religious founders are a constant example for greater spiritual effort and selfless giving. When we admire these great leaders, we are motivated to continue their work by intellectually perpetuating their doctrines through our words and deeds. During the great world war, however, the metaphysicians lost the opportunity of making their permanent contribution to the race due to internal dissensions and disputes. Organizations that were supposed to selflessly serve humanity instead wasted their energy on useless debates over personal issues of little or no significance.

Our current crisis is much more important than a world war. The entire civilized world is in poverty against the backdrop of selfishness and corruption. There are new opportunities to apply spiritual methods to solve material problems. It is the duty of all spiritually enlightened people to forget all differences, sacrifice all personal ambitions and reaffirm their commitment to the great ideals that their orders and societies have called upon to implement.

During the great boom immediately preceding the present economic crisis, even mystical organizations have been infected by the bacilli of enrichment, consumption and personal ambition. Personalities eclipsed the principles, then both organizations and individuals retreated from the simple truths that are the foundations intelligent life. Then came the crash. Material values were thrown into the bottomless depths like lead. Ambitions were scattered with the wind, and the race was forced to face problems that can only be solved by a revaluation of spiritual values ​​and the conversion of people and organizations to the principles of enlightenment and truth.

Imagine that on this very day E.P. Blavatsky, the lioness of the Theosophical Society, returned from the Amenti of the Sages and demanded a due account from the Society she founded. Who could, standing in front of her, honestly say: “Beloved teacher, we made every effort, we are also faithful to you and the Teachers you spoke about”? How many of them could say: “We were honest, kind, fair and impartial; We...