Participants in the 1830 revolution in France. Progress of the July Revolution (1830)

Publication on July 26, 1830 in the Monitor newspaper of ordinances that actually abolished the Charter of 1814 and represented an attempt coup d'etat, made a stunning impression in Paris. This act of arbitrariness deprived France of not only the free government agencies, but also, essentially, a legitimate dynasty.

The first ordinance abolished freedom of the press and restored the regime of preliminary permissions, which could always be withdrawn and had to be renewed every three months. The second declared the chamber dissolved. The third was a new electoral law, according to which the number of deputies was reduced to 258. The composition of the electoral colleges was changed, the number of voters was reduced by 3/4. The House was deprived of the right to amend bills. The fourth ordinance convened voters on September 6 and 13 and fixed the opening of the chambers for September 28.

There were only 14,000 troops in Paris and Versailles and no orders were made for the rapid transfer to the capital if additional troops were needed. Charles X went hunting in Rambouillet, and from there to the palace in Saint-Cloud.

Meanwhile, people began to build barricades. In the evening, troops took the barricades erected on the streets of Saint-Honoré. Workers, artisans, small entrepreneurs and traders, students, retired soldiers and officers took an active part in the armed uprising. The leadership of the armed struggle was carried out by former officers, students of the polytechnic school, and journalists. Representatives of large financial circles adhered to a passive wait-and-see position. On July 28, the uprising became widespread. Its participants were not only the French, but also representatives of other countries: Italian, Spanish, Portuguese revolutionary emigrants, Poles, Greeks, Germans, English, Russians...

On July 29, the rebels took possession of the Tuileries Palace and raised the tricolor banner of the revolution of 1789-1794 over it. The defeated troops retreated to the country residence of the king of Saint-Cloud, several regiments joined the rebels. The king surrendered only when the Duke of Angoulême, appointed to replace Marmont, inspected the remnants of the army in the Bois de Boulogne and declared that Paris was completely lost. Charles X was forced to sign the repeal of the ordinances.

After the capture of the Tuileries, the deputies no longer had anything to fear from speaking out openly. They gathered with the banker Laffite, deciding to take over the leadership of the victorious revolution. Lafayette was given command of the armed forces; A municipal commission was established, which was entrusted with administrative functions and care of supplying the city with food supplies. The Duke of Mortemar, who had a reputation as a supporter of the Charter of 1814, was placed at the head of the new cabinet of ministers. All attempts to save the Bourbon monarchy failed.

The meeting of deputies of the dissolved chamber came to the conclusion that a change of dynasty had become inevitable. The choice fell on Duke Louis Philippe of Orleans. In Rambouillet, Charles X signed an order on August 1 appointing the Duke of Orleans as governor of the kingdom and approved the convening of the chambers on August 3. On August 2, Charles X abdicated the throne in favor of his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, and on August 16, he and his family left France, sailing from Cherbourg to England.

On August 9, Louis Philippe, despite the abdication of Charles X in favor of the Duke of Bordeaux, was proclaimed “King of the French,” and soon the whole country recognized the coup. The July Monarchy was established in France (1830-1848).

The weakness of the Republican Party allowed large financial circles to seize power and prevent the deepening of the revolution and the establishment of a republic. On August 14, 1830, a new Charter was adopted, more liberal than the Charter of 1814. The rights of the Chamber of Deputies were expanded, the hereditary status of peers was abolished, the property qualification for voters was slightly reduced, as a result of which their number increased from 100 thousand to 240 thousand. They were limited rights of the Catholic clergy (he was prohibited from owning land property). Censorship was temporarily abolished; local and regional self-government was introduced, the National Guard was restored (both based on property qualifications). The police-bureaucratic state apparatus and harsh laws against workers remained intact.

IN late XVIII century, the Great Revolution took place in France. The years that followed were by no means calm. and his campaigns of conquest, which ultimately ended in defeat after the “Hundred Days,” led to the victorious powers imposing the Bourbon restoration on the country. But even during the reign of Louis XVIII, passions did not subside. The aristocrats who regained influence were thirsty for revenge, they carried out repressions against the Republicans, and this only fueled the protest. The king was too ill to fully engage in even the most pressing problems, he was unable to move his country forward either economically or politically. But when he died of illness in 1824, he became the last French king not to be overthrown by revolution or coup. Why did the July Revolution (1830), which historians call “Three Glorious Days”, take place after his death?

Prerequisites for the July Revolution of 1830: the role of the bourgeoisie

Which reasons for the July By the 1830s, capitalism in countries Western Europe strengthened its position. In England, the industrial revolution was completing, and in France, factory production was also developing rapidly (in this regard, the country was ahead of Belgium and Prussia).

This led to the strengthening of the influence of the industrial bourgeoisie, which was now striving for power, while the government defended the interests exclusively of aristocratic landowners and the highest clergy. This had a negative impact on the economic development of the state. Protest sentiments were fueled by the defiant behavior of emigrants from the aristocratic environment, who threatened the restoration of pre-revolutionary orders.

In addition, the bourgeoisie, and in this environment there were many republicans who supported the revolution, was dissatisfied with the strengthening role of the Jesuits at the royal court, in administrative institutions, and also in schools.

Law on Remuneration of Former Emigrants

In 1825, the country passed a law according to which emigrants from the former aristocracy received compensation in the amount of about a billion francs for the damage caused, that is, for confiscated land. This law was supposed to again strengthen the position of the aristocracy in the country. However, he caused discontent among two classes at once - the peasants and the bourgeoisie. The latter was dissatisfied with the fact that cash payments to the nobility were, in fact, made at the expense of the rentier, since it was assumed that the funds for this would be provided by the conversion of state rent from 5 to 3%, and this directly affected the income of the bourgeoisie.

The “Law on Blasphemy”, adopted at the same time, in which very harsh punishments were adopted for offenses against religion, also fueled the discontent of this class, since this was seen as a return to earlier times.

Industrial crisis as a prerequisite for the July Revolution

The reasons for the July Revolution of 1830 also lay in the fact that in 1826 an industrial crisis occurred in the country. It was classic crisis overproduction, but the first cyclical crisis that France faced after England. It gave way to a phase of prolonged depression. The crisis coincided with several years of crop failure, which worsened the situation of the bourgeoisie, workers and peasants. In cities, many were faced with the impossibility of finding work, and in villages - with hunger.

The industrial bourgeoisie blamed the authorities for what happened, reproaching the government for the fact that due to high customs duties on grain, fuel and raw materials, the cost of French goods was rising and their competitiveness in world markets was falling.

The first barricades and changes in government

In 1827, a rehearsal for the revolution took place, so to speak. Then, in connection with the elections to the Chamber of Deputies in Paris, far from peaceful demonstrations took place; barricades were erected in working-class neighborhoods, and the rebels entered into a bloody confrontation with the police.

In the same 1827 elections, liberals gained many votes, demanding an expansion of suffrage, government responsibility to parliament, rights for local self-government, and much more. As a result, King Charles X was forced to dismiss the ultra-royalist government. But the new government led by Count Martignac, which unsuccessfully sought compromises between the bourgeoisie and the nobles, did not suit the king. And he again dismissed the government, formed a new cabinet of ultra-royalists and put at the head his favorite, the Duke of Polignac, a man devoted to him personally.

Meanwhile, tension in the country was increasing, and changes in the government contributed to this.

Ordinances of July 26 and repeal of the Charter of 1814

The king believed that protest sentiments could be dealt with by tightening the regime. And so on July twenty-six, 1830, ordinances were published in the Monitor newspaper, which, in essence, abolished the provisions of the Constitutional Charter of 1814. But it was precisely on these conditions that the states that defeated Napoleon revived the monarchy in France. Citizens of the country perceived these ordinances as an attempt at a coup. Moreover, these acts, depriving France of free state institutions, were just that.

The first ordinance abolished the freedom of the press, the second dissolved the House of Parliament, and the third, in fact, was a new electoral law, according to which the number of deputies and the number of voters was reduced, and the chamber was also deprived of the right to amend adopted bills. The fourth ordinance appointed the opening of the session of the chambers.

The beginning of civil unrest: the situation in the capital

The king was confident in the strength of the government. No measures were planned for possible unrest among the masses, since the Prefect of Police Mangin declared that the Parisians would not move. The Duke of Polignac believed this because he thought that the people as a whole were indifferent to the electoral system. This was true in relation to the lower classes, but the orders affected the interests of the bourgeoisie very seriously.

True, the government believed that the bourgeoisie would not dare to take up arms. Therefore, there were only 14 thousand military personnel in the capital, and no measures were taken to transfer additional forces to Paris. The king went hunting in Rambouillet, from where he planned to go to his residence in Saint-Cloud.

The influence of the ordinances and the manifestation at the Palais Royal

The ordinances did not reach the public immediately. But the reaction to them was strong. Rents on the stock exchange fell sharply. Meanwhile, the journalists, whose meeting was held in the editorial office of the Constitutionalist newspaper, decided to publish a protest against the ordinances, and composed in rather harsh terms.

On the same day, several meetings of deputies took place. However, they were unable to come to any conclusion general decision and joined the protesters only when it seemed to them that the uprising could achieve its goal. Interestingly, the judges supported the rebels. At the request of the newspapers Tan, Courier France and others, the commercial court and the court of first instance ordered the printing house to print regular issues with the text of the protest, since the ordinances contradicted the Charter and could not be binding on citizens.

On the evening of July twenty-sixth, demonstrations began in the Palais Royal. Protesters shouted slogans “Down with the ministers!” The Duke of Polignac, who was riding in his carriage along the boulevards, miraculously escaped the crowd.

Events of July 27: barricades

The July Revolution in France of 1830 began on July 27. On this day the printing houses were closed. Their workers took to the streets, dragging other workers and artisans with them. Townspeople discussed the ordinances and the protest published by journalists. At the same time, the Parisians learned that Marmont, who was unpopular with the people, would command the troops in the capital. However, Marmont himself did not approve of the ordinances and restrained the officers, ordering them not to start shooting until the rebels began a shootout themselves, and by shootout he meant at least fifty shots.

On this day, barricades went up on the streets of Paris. By evening, fighting broke out, the instigators of which were mainly students. The barricades on the Rue Saint-Honoré were taken by troops. But the unrest in the city continued, and Polignac declared that Paris was under siege. The king remained in Saint-Cloud, not deviating from his usual schedule and carefully hiding signs of anxiety.

Events of July 28: the riot continues

The uprising that swept Paris involved not only students and journalists, but also the petty bourgeoisie, including merchants. Soldiers and officers went over to the side of the rebels - the latter led the armed struggle. But the big financial bourgeoisie took a wait-and-see attitude.

But already on July twenty-eighth it became clear that the uprising was widespread. It was time to decide who to join.

Events of July 29: Tuileries and Louvre

The next day, the rebels fought and captured the tricolor of the French Revolution. The troops were defeated. They were forced to retreat to the royal residence of Saint-Cloud, but several regiments joined the rebels. Meanwhile, the Parisians exchanged fire with the Swiss Guards massed behind the Louvre colonnade and forced the military to flee.

These events showed the deputies that strength was on the side of the rebels. The bankers also made their decision. They took over the leadership of the victorious uprising, including administrative functions and providing the rebellious city with food.

Events of July 30: actions of the authorities

While those close to him in Saint-Cloud tried to influence Charles X, explaining to him the true state of affairs, a new cabinet of ministers was formed in Paris, headed by the Duke of Mortemart, a supporter of the Charter of 1814. The Bourbon dynasty could no longer be saved.

The July Revolution of 1830, which began as an uprising against restrictions on freedoms and against the Polignac government, turned to slogans about the overthrow of the king. Duke Louis was declared the viceroy of the kingdom, and he had little choice - either rule in accordance with the idea of ​​the rebellious bourgeoisie about the nature of such power, or exile.

On August 1, Charles X was forced to sign the corresponding ordinance. But he himself abdicated the throne in favor of his grandson. However, this no longer mattered. Two weeks later, Charles X emigrated to England with his family, Louis Philippe became king, and a precarious order was restored, which lasted until 1848.

Consequences of the July Revolution of 1830

What are the results of the July Revolution? In fact, large financial circles came to power in France. They prevented the establishment of the republic and the deepening of the revolution, but a more liberal Charter was adopted, which lowered the property qualification for voters and expanded the rights of the Chamber of Deputies. The rights of the Catholic clergy were limited. Local government received more rights, although in the end large taxpayers still received all power in municipal councils. But no one even thought of revising the harsh laws against workers.

July Revolution of 1830 in France accelerated the uprising in neighboring Belgium, where, however, the revolutionaries advocated the formation of an independent state. Revolutionary uprisings began in Saxony and other German states; in Poland there was a rebellion against Russian Empire, and in England the struggle for parliamentary reform intensified.

So, the publication on July 26, 1830 in the newspaper “Moniteur” of ordinances that actually abolished the Charter of 1814 and represented an attempt at a coup d’état, made a stunning impression in Paris. This act of arbitrariness deprived France not only of free public institutions, but also of a legitimate dynasty.

The first ordinance abolished freedom of the press and restored the regime of prior permissions, which could always and at any time be revoked by the government and were renewed every three months. The second ordinance declared the chamber dissolved. The third introduced a new electoral law, according to which the number of deputies was reduced to 258 (two hundred and fifty-eight) members. The composition of the electoral colleges was changed, the number of voters was reduced by ¾ (three quarters). The House was deprived of the right to amend bills. The fourth ordinance convened voters on September 6 and 13 and fixed the opening of the chambers for September 28.

The government did not take any measures in case of mass unrest, relying on the assurances of the police prefect Mangin, who announced that “Paris will not move.” The head of the cabinet, Polignac, easily believed Mangin’s assurances, since he was confident in the complete indifference of the people to the elections. Only one bourgeois class was truly affected by the ordinances, although the government was confident that the bourgeoisie alone would not dare to take up arms and would not find allies among the workers. For this reason, on the opening day of the parliamentary session on September 28, there were fourteen thousand military personnel in Paris and Versailles; the government did not even bother to transfer additional troops to the capital. King Charles X of Bourbon went hunting in Rambouillet, and from there to the country palace of Saint-Cloud.

Prohibition orders reached the public rather late. On the stock exchange the rent fell to six francs. Journalists gathered in the editorial office of the newspaper “Constitutionalist” decided to publish a protest against the royal orders. Its author was Thiers, he composed the protest in harsh, harsh terms. On the same day, July 26, several meetings of deputies took place and did not come to a definite decision. The deputies spoke only when they were convinced of the success of the popular uprising. The judges showed much more civil courage. At the request of the newspapers “Tan”, “Journal de Commerce”, “Journal de Paris”, “Courier France”, the court of first instance and the commercial court ordered the printers who printed these newspapers to type and publish the next issues of these publications. The court determined that the ordinance of July 25, 1830, as being contrary to the Charter of 1814, could not be binding on the citizens whose rights it infringed.

On the evening of July 26, mass protest demonstrations began in the Palais Royal. Slogans were heard everywhere: “Long live the Charter!”, “Down with the ministers!” Polignac, riding in a carriage along the boulevards of Paris, barely escaped the crowd. The next day, July 27, 1830, most of the printing houses in Paris were closed. Printers from printing houses took to the streets, drawing crowds of Parisians and workers of other professions with them. Everywhere the royal orders and the articles of opposition journalists refuting them were read aloud and discussed. Then the news spread that the extremely unpopular General Marmont had been appointed commander of the Paris garrison. Marmont himself openly scolded the royal orders and restrained his officers, who were eager to quickly use weapons against the crowd. Officers were warned to use their weapons only in response to shots fired by insurgents. Marmont warned his officers to wait for the rebels to fire first and fire at least fifty shots at the troops before returning fire on the crowd.

Meanwhile, people began to build barricades. In the evening, the garrison troops took the barricades erected on the streets of Saint-Honoré. The first blood had already been shed, Parisians were crying out for vengeance, people were breaking shop windows and lanterns. Polignac declared Paris under siege. He wrote to the king at Saint-Cloud that there had been only minor disturbances in Paris, and even swore on his head if he was wrong. The king did not show the slightest signs of alarm or concern, and continued to relax and have fun in Saint-Cloud, as if nothing had happened. During a game of card whist, the glow of fires became visible from the balcony of Saint-Cloud, and the sound of an alarm bell could be heard.

Workers, artisans, small entrepreneurs, traders, students, retired soldiers and officers took an active part in the armed uprising. The leadership of the armed struggle was carried out by former officers, students of the polytechnic school, and journalists. Representatives of large financial circles adhered to a passive, wait-and-see position. On July 28, the uprising became widespread. Not only the French, but also numerous emigrants from other European countries joined the uprising: Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, Poles, Greeks, Germans, British and Russians.

On July 29, the rebels fought and captured the palace in the Tuileries and raised the tricolor banner of the Great French Revolution of 1789–1794 over it. The defeated royal troops retreated to the country residence of the king of Saint-Cloud, several regiments went over to the side of the rebels. From the Church of Saint-Germain d'Auxerrois, the Parisians began a lively firefight with the Swiss, holed up behind the Louvre colonnade. The Swiss, taken by surprise in the courtyard of the Louvre, fled, dragging the rest of the troops with them. The tricolor banner of the revolution soared high above the royal Tuileries Palace. In Saint-Cloud, those close to him tried in vain to convince the king of the complexity and tragedy of the situation. Charles X surrendered to the rebels only when the new commander of the Paris garrison, the Duke of Angoulême, appointed to replace the removed Marmont, after inspecting the remnants of the troops in the Bois de Boulogne, reported to the king that “Paris is completely lost.” After the surrender, Charles X was forced to sign the repeal of the unpopular ordinances.

After the capture of the Tuileries and the abolition of the ordinances by the king, the deputies no longer had anything to fear, and they decided to speak out openly. The deputies gathered at the banker Laffite's and decided to take over the leadership of the victorious revolution. General Lafayette was given military command of the armed forces. A municipal commission was established, which was entrusted with administrative functions and care for supplying Parisians with food. The Duke of Mortemart, who had a reputation as a supporter of the Charter of 1814, was placed at the head of the new cabinet of ministers. All attempts by the royalists to save the Bourbon monarchy from collapse failed. The revolution, which broke out under the slogans of defending the Charter and overthrowing the Polignac cabinet, won under the slogans: “Down with Charles X!” Down with the Bourbons!”

The meeting of deputies of the dissolved chamber came to the conclusion that a change of dynasty on the French throne had become inevitable. The choice fell on the candidacy of Duke Louis Philippe of Orleans. The banker Laffitte wrote to Louis Philippe that he could either accept the throne or leave France and go into exile. The manifesto, drawn up by Thiers, and posted on the morning of July 30, said: “Charles X can no longer return to Paris; he shed the people's blood. The establishment of a republic would arouse disastrous discord among us and would quarrel us with Europe. The Duke of Orleans is devoted to the cause of the revolution... The Duke of Orleans did not fight against us... The Duke of Orleans is a citizen-king. The Duke of Orleans wore a tricolor cockade in battle. He alone has the right to wear it, we don’t want other colors... The Duke of Orleans has not yet spoken. He is waiting for our will to be expressed. Let us announce it, and he will accept the charter that we have always wanted to have. The French people will present him with the crown.”

Duke Louis Philippe d'Orléans was proclaimed viceroy of the kingdom (i.e., temporary ruler). At night, Charles X Bourbon left Saint-Cloud in panic, and at two o'clock in the morning the court went with him to Trianon, and from there headed to Rambouillet. Here, in the Rambouillet Palace, on August 1, 1830, Charles X signed an order appointing Duke Louis Philippe of Orleans as viceroy of the kingdom and approved the convening of the chambers on August 3. The day before, on August 2, the exiled king abdicated the throne in favor of his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux. On August 16, 1830, Charles X and his family left France, sailing from the port of Cherbourg to England.

Despite the abdication of Charles X in favor of his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, Duke Louis-Philippe of Orleans was still proclaimed “King of the French.” Soon all of France recognized the coup. So, during several glorious days at the end of July 1830, the July Monarchy (1830 - 1848) was established in France, and it existed until the outbreak of the 1848 revolution.

The weakness of the Republican Party allowed large financial circles to seize power and prevent the deepening of the revolution and the establishment of a republic. On August 14, 1830, a new Charter was adopted, more liberal than the Charter of 1814. The rights of the Chamber of Deputies were expanded, the hereditary status of peers was abolished, the property qualification for voters was reduced, which led to an increase in the number of voters from one hundred thousand to two hundred and forty thousand with the right to vote. The rights of the Catholic clergy were limited (they were prohibited from owning land property). Censorship was temporarily abolished; local and regional self-government was introduced, the National Guard was restored (both based on property qualifications). The police-bureaucratic apparatus and harsh laws against workers remained intact.

The progressive public of England, Germany, Russia, Italy, Belgium, the USA and other countries warmly welcomed the July Revolution of 1830 in France and assessed it as a serious blow to the reactionary system of the Holy Alliance. The Russian poet Alexander Pushkin rejoiced at the July Revolution and believed that Charles X and his camarilla (entourage) should be executed as state criminals. Mikhail Lermontov in his poem called Charles X a tyrant and glorified the “banner of liberty” raised by the Parisian people. Members of Alexander Herzen's revolutionary circle at the Moscow Imperial University also enthusiastically greeted the news from France.

The July Revolution in France accelerated the social explosion in neighboring Belgium, which rose up to fight against neighboring Holland and henceforth formed an independent state. A wave of revolutionary uprisings swept through a number of German lands - the principalities of Saxony, Braunschweig, and Hesse-Kassel. The revolutionary movement in Italy against Austrian oppression revived. The Polish uprising broke out in Warsaw, where the “dethronization” of Nicholas I took place (the symbolic overthrow of an equestrian statue Russian Emperor and at the same time the King of Poland, the autocrat of the All-Russian Nicholas I). Under the influence of the July Revolution, the electoral reform of 1832 was carried out in England. Popular masses Switzerland also advocated the democratization of the social and political system in the country. Fearing the consequences, the monarchical governments of Russia, Prussia and Austria refused joint action to suppress the July Revolution in France in order to restore the overthrown Bourbon dynasty to the French throne.

JULY REVOLUTION of 1830, a liberal revolution in France that overthrew the Restoration regime. Caused by a crisis in a relationship royalty and the liberal republican opposition. The crisis worsened in 1824 after the accession of Charles X, who relied on former royalist emigrants and high circles Catholic clergy. After the appointment in August 1829 of J. de Polignac, who held extreme right-wing views, as head of the cabinet, an attack began on the few remaining political freedoms, and the situation in the country became extremely tense. Political crisis worsened by the economic depression and crop failures of 1828-29. In March 1830, the Chamber of Deputies demanded the resignation of the unpopular Polignac cabinet, but on May 16, parliament was dissolved by the king. Despite the victory of the opposition in early elections in June - July 1830, Polignac remained in his post. In an effort to distract French society from internal problems, the king began the conquest of Algeria by sending a military expedition to its shores in mid-May 1830. On July 25, 1830, Charles X signed 6 ordinances (published on July 26), which became fatal for the entire Restoration regime. According to these decrees, the newly elected Chamber of Deputies was declared dissolved; elections were scheduled for September 1830 on the basis of a new law that sharply limited the number of voters by introducing a higher property qualification; the number of deputy seats was reduced from 428 to 258; the election procedure became more complicated; Strict censorship was introduced for periodicals. These ordinances were perceived in society as a gross encroachment on the Constitutional Charter of 1814, and an attempt to implement them encountered decisive resistance from liberals. Opposition journalists demonstratively refused to comply with the instructions contained in the decrees regarding the press. On July 27, 1830, an uprising of radical students, artisans and workers broke out in Paris. The royal Tuileries Palace and other government buildings were stormed. Some of the troops left the capital without permission, while others joined the rebels. Real power passed to the Municipal Commission, made up of leaders liberal opposition(generals M. J. Lafayette and M. Lobo, banker J. Laffitte, C. Perrier, etc.). During street battles in the capital, approximately 200 government soldiers and officers and about 800 rebels were killed. The weakness and disorganization of the Republicans allowed the leaders of the liberals (Laffite, A. Thiers, etc.) to seize the initiative and reap the benefits popular uprising. Enlisting the support of General Lafayette, a popular veteran of the 18th century French Revolution in the country, the Chamber of Deputies and the Chamber of Peers, they appointed the Duke of Orleans as “viceroy of the kingdom” (July 31). On August 2, Charles X abdicated the throne; on August 9, the Duke was proclaimed “King of the French” under the name of Louis Philippe. On August 14, the Constitutional Charter of 1830 was adopted, which significantly expanded freedoms and the circle of voters, introduced local and regional self-government, etc. The regime of the July Monarchy was established in France. The July Revolution gave impetus to the Belgian Revolution of 1830 and the Polish Uprising of 1830-31, as well as revolutionary uprisings in Germany and Italy, and dealt a significant blow to the Holy Alliance system.

Lit.: Courson J. -L. de. 1830: la révolution tricolore. R., 1965; Pinkney D.N. The French Revolution of 1830. Princeton, 1972; Backouche I. La monarchie parlementaire, 1815-1848: de Louis XVIII à Louis-Philippe. R., 2000; Waresquiel E. de, Yvert V. Histoire de la Restauration (1814-1830). R., 2002.

The Revolution of 1830, which covered a significant part of Western Europe and had important consequences everywhere, began in France, where it was a natural continuation of the Revolution of 1789. The Bourbons, who appeared, according to the then popular expression, “in the baggage of the allied monarchs,” turned out to be natural representatives and defenders of the old aristocracy, whose importance was undermined by the great R., and the rights of the bourgeoisie won in the same era did not find sufficient protection in the constitution. Based on the charter of 1814 and the electoral laws that followed it, the Chamber of Deputies was elected by French citizens who paid at least 300 francs. direct taxes. The government, moreover, had the opportunity to influence the electoral colleges during elections - and made wide use of this opportunity. Nevertheless, the growing political consciousness of the bourgeoisie led to the fact that the Chamber of Deputies elected in 1827 was strongly opposed. The triumph of the opposition was especially facilitated by the irritation caused by the payment of one billion francs to the former emigrants and the conversion of government loans associated with this measure, which lowered the income of the rentiers (1825). Thus, two powerful forces stood face to face, of which the bourgeoisie had as its body the Chamber of Deputies, and the nobility had the king as its organ. At one time, Charles X, despite the firmness of his monarchical principles, was ready to make some concessions public opinion; but soon (Aug. 1829) the moderate ministry of Martignac (q.v.) was replaced by the reactionary cabinet of Polignac (1829). The liberal movement, however, grew and manifested itself in a host of different manifestations; the ministry fought him with police methods, and the king did not hesitate to insult even the judges who pronounced acquittals in political trials. In the speech from the throne, with which he opened the parliamentary session on March 2, 1830, he threatened to resort to decisive measures (the nature of which, however, he did not define) if parliament “created obstacles to his power.” The Chamber of Deputies responded with an address (the so-called address 221), quite directly demanding the resignation of the ministry. The king responded with prorogation, and soon after that the dissolution of the Chamber of Deputies. The new elections strengthened the chamber's opposition majority. Then, without convening parliament, the king on July 25, 1830, based on a strained interpretation of one of the articles of the charter of 1814, signed four ordinances, which: 1) restored censorship, and for the publication of newspapers and magazines, prior permission from the authorities was required, given each time for 3 months; 2) the Chamber of Deputies was dissolved again; 3) the electoral law was changed (only land taxes were recognized as the basis for the property qualification) and 4) a time was set for new elections. If these ordinances were carried out, they would deprive the bourgeoisie of all influence on legislation and would restore the landed aristocracy to the position of sole ruling class France. But it was they who served as the closest reason for the revolutionary explosion. The bourgeoisie itself, represented by its representatives-deputies, behaved very cautiously, and if not for the more radical elements who began armed resistance, it is quite possible that it would not have been able to achieve anything. During meetings held by liberal deputies Casimir Perrier, Laffitte and others, the deputies showed a complete inability to understand the state of affairs and take any decisive measures; They did not direct events, but events carried them away. Journalists of the same party were somewhat more decisive. On July 26, the editors of the opposition newspaper National, headed by Thiers, Minier and Armand Carrel, published a protest against the ordinances, arguing that the government had violated the law and thereby freed the people from the obligation of obedience; the protest called on the illegally dissolved chamber and the entire people to resist the government, but the nature of the resistance was not specified. Its authors thought more about solemn declarations and, in extreme cases, refusal to pay taxes, than about resistance with weapons; at least as early as July 26, Thiers assured that the people were completely calm and there was no reason to expect any active protest on their part. On July 27, however, clashes began in Paris between excited crowds of people and troops. The republican-minded workers were worried. One of the immediate causes that increased the unrest among the workers was the closure of many printing houses due to the restoration of censorship, as well as the temporary closure of many factories and shops; the masses of working people were free that day. On July 28, the eastern quarters of Paris, which at that time represented a labyrinth of cramped and crooked alleys, were blocked off by barricades erected from large and heavy cobblestones; the rebels took possession of the abandoned buildings of the city hall and the Cathedral of Our Lady and hoisted a tricolor banner over them. Government troops, commanded by Marshal Marmont, were shot at while moving through the streets, showered with stones and even furniture from the windows of houses; Moreover, they fought extremely reluctantly and in many places whole detachments went over to the side of the people. On July 29 the uprising was victorious; Republicans dominated in the eastern quarters and the town hall, liberals dominated in the western quarters. The king decided to take back his ordinances and enter into negotiations with the rebels; but 30 liberal deputies, who gathered at Laffitte’s that day and finally decided to become the head of the movement, refused to accept his messengers; They formed themselves into a “municipal commission”, which was a provisional government. Among this commission, the idea of ​​changing the dynasty arose. It was decided to offer the crown to Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans (see Louis Philippe). On July 30th, the Chamber of Deputies, or, more correctly, its liberal members, met and proclaimed Louis Philippe lieutenant-général of the kingdom. Fearing a republic, which, if established with the help of the working classes, would inevitably bear traces of its origin, the bourgeoisie wanted to preserve the monarchy; but she could not count on the prudent compliance of the previous government, and Louis-Philippe turned out to be for her “the best of all possible republics” (Lafayette’s expression). On the night of July 31, Louis-Philippe arrived in Paris and the next day walked around the city, fraternizing with the workers, shaking hands with the National Guardsmen. The disorganized, leaderless Republicans gave in without a fight. Charles X, who moved from Saint-Cloud to Rambouillet, hastened to send Louis-Philippe his abdication in favor of his grandson, the Duke of Bordeaux, and the appointment of Louis-Philippe of Orleans as governor of the kingdom. The province silently recognized the coup that took place in Paris. Aug 3 Louis Philippe opened the chambers with a speech from the throne, announcing the abdication of the king, but keeping silent about in whose favor it was done. Aug 7 The chambers developed a new constitution and proclaimed Louis Philippe king of the French “by the will of the people.” The new constitution recognized the sovereignty of the people. The king's power to issue ordinances was limited; legislative initiative, previously owned by the king alone, was extended to both chambers: the Chamber of Deputies received the right to elect its president. Censorship was abolished; Freedom of the press is guaranteed. Catholicism ceased to be considered the state religion; exceptional and extraordinary courts were prohibited; restored National Guard. The electoral qualification was lowered to 200 francs, as a result of which the number of voters more than doubled and reached 200 thousand. The benefits of R. thus went mainly to the bourgeoisie; workers received no political rights. Meanwhile, they contributed so much to the triumph of R. that they naturally felt offended, and therefore the success of the July R. contained within itself the germ of a new revolution.

The July Revolution resonated primarily in Belgium, where the people were dissatisfied with the artificial annexation to Holland and discontent was constantly supported by the reactionary policies of the government (see Belgium). An uprising broke out in Brussels on August 25, which soon spread throughout the country. On September 23-25, a battle took place on the streets of the city between the people who had managed to arm themselves and the Dutch troops; the latter were forced to retreat. The congress convened in November proclaimed the independence of the Belgian kingdom. Then R. was reflected in Kingdom of Poland. On November 17 (29), a rebellion began in Warsaw, the consequence of which was the Polish-Russian War of 1830-31 (see). R.'s character in Poland was completely different than in France and Belgium; there were no workers here at all: the radical democratic party represented the interests of the peasantry, but, like the workers' party in France, it was weak. The revolutionary role of the bourgeoisie here was played by conservative-aristocratic elements; therefore, the movement was not so much a revolution as a national uprising, doomed to failure from the very beginning. In Germany, the July revolution was reflected by not particularly serious movements only in minor states: in Brunswick (q.v.), where the movement led to the replacement of the duke and to the reform of the constitution; in Hesse-Kassel (see Wilhelm), Hanover (see) and Saxe-Altenburg, where it led to constitutional reform; in Saxony, where it resulted in a transition to a constitutional form of government; in Schwarzburg-Sonderstausen, where it came to nothing. In Italy, 1830 ended without any disturbance of order; in the following years there were several uprisings that did not have much practical significance, but clearly indicated the abnormal state of affairs and served as a harbinger of a serious revolutionary explosion in the more or less near future. In England, continental revolution affected only the strengthening of the peaceful transformative current, the most important practical result of which was the parliamentary reform of 1832, which did essentially the same thing as the July Revolution in France: it transferred legislative power from the hands of the landed aristocracy to the hands of the industrial aristocracy. bourgeoisie. In the east of Europe, in Russia, Prussia and Austria, P. secured only a political union between these three powers. See general essays on world XIX history V. Weber, Fife, Kareev (vol. V), Senyobos, on the history of France - Gregoire, Rochau. For an artistic presentation of R., see volume 1 of Louis Blanc, “Histoire de dix ans” (P., 1846). See also Chernyshevsky, “The Struggle of the Parties under Louis XVIII and Charles X” (Contemporary, 1869) and “The July Monarchy” (ib., 1860). A detailed bibliography is available from Kareev and Senyobos.

• - “JULY 10th”, one of the most significant. youthful verse. L., imbued with hatred of despotism and sympathy for the rebellious people. Poem. written between July 15 and Aug 15. 1830...

  Lermontov Encyclopedia

• - “1830. JULY 15th", verse. early L., close to the genre of elegy. The title relates it to other poems of a “diary” nature. However, the underlying conditionally romantic...

  Lermontov Encyclopedia

• - “JULY 30. - 1830", verse. early L. . The most striking of the political series. poems on the topic of people. uprising, written by L. in the summer-autumn of 1830 ...

  Lermontov Encyclopedia

• - bourgeois revolution in Belgium provinces of the Netherlands. kingdom, which led to the liquidation of the Kingdom. domination and formation of independent Belgium. The defeat of the Napoleonic Empire led to the liberation of the territory. Belgium from French...
• - in France - bourgeois. revolution that ended the Bourbon monarchy. Prom. crisis and depression of the late 20s. The 19th century, as well as the crop failures of 1828-29, which sharply worsened the already difficult situation of the working people, accelerated the process...

  Soviet historical encyclopedia

• - see July Revolution 1830...

  Soviet historical encyclopedia

• - Archimandrite Grechesk. Ekaterininsk. mon. in Kiev. Russian biographical dictionary in 25 volumes - Ed. under the supervision of the Chairman of the Imperial Russian Historical Society A. A. Polovtsev...
• - Archimandrite Grechesk. Ekaterininsk. mon. in Kyiv...

  Big biographical encyclopedia

• - see July Revolution...
• - see Polish uprising and war of 1830...

  encyclopedic Dictionary Brockhaus and Euphron

• - see French Revolution...

  Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Euphron

• - I covered an area much larger than the R. 1830, namely France, Germany, Austria with Hungary and Italy...

  Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Euphron

• - New works in Russian: Bloos, “History of the Revolution of 1848.” ; P. A. Berlin, "Germany on the eve of the revolution of 1848." ...

  Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Euphron

• - see Polish Constitution of May 3, Poland, Polish War of Insurrection 1792-1794, Targowica Confederation and the Four Years...

  Encyclopedic Dictionary of Brockhaus and Euphron

• - bourgeois revolution in the Belgian provinces of the Kingdom of the Netherlands. By decisions of the Congress of Vienna of 1814-15, the Belgian provinces were united with Holland into a single Kingdom of the Netherlands...
• - in France, the bourgeois revolution that ended the Bourbon monarchy. The noble-clerical regime of the Restoration slowed down economic development countries...

  Great Soviet Encyclopedia

"Revolution of 1830" in books

EVENTS OF THE REVOLUTION OF 1830