Alexander's national policy 2 presentation. National policy of Alexander II

A particularly tense situation remained in Poland, where numerous secret organizations appeared. Contemporaries divided them into two types - “red” (who fought for the interests of the peasantry) and “white” (landowners and big bourgeoisie who opposed the solution to the peasant question). Both parties, however, were united by the desire to restore Poland to the borders of 1772. The anti-Russian sentiment in the Polish environment was so strong that even the initiative of the head of the civil administration, Marquis A. Wielopolsky, to restore the constitution of 1815 was considered too moderate a national program and did not satisfy either the “reds” or the “whites”. The Marquis decided, with the help of a special conscription, to draft revolutionary-minded youth into the army, which led to an armed uprising at the end of January 1863. By May 1864, the uprising was finally suppressed, after which the last remnants of Polish autonomy were eliminated, and the name of the Kingdom of Poland was replaced by the faceless “Polish Land”. Polish nobles were deprived of the right to elect leaders of the nobility, who were now appointed from St. Petersburg. Catholic Poles were prohibited from buying and renting land in nine western provinces.

Under Alexander II, the policy begun by Nicholas I in relation to the Caucasian peoples continued. Commander-in-Chief of the Caucasian Army A.I. Baryachtinsky considered it necessary to begin the active settlement of the Caucasus by Terek Cossacks, “in order to gradually oppress the highlanders and deprive them of their means of livelihood.” The result of this policy was the forced resettlement of about 100 thousand Circassians to Turkey (at the same time, not only Cossacks and peasants, but also Greeks and Armenians who fled from oppression from Turkey moved to the liberated lands).

However, there were other opinions regarding the solution of the national issue in the Caucasus. Minister of War D.A. Milyutin called for a more flexible national policy, considering it necessary to leave religion, customs and way of life intact Caucasian peoples. The government acted in line with this policy, providing support to the higher and middle clergy. A special court was introduced in the Caucasus, which consisted of elected representatives of mountain peoples who decided cases “in the spirit of popular views.”

The government's attitude towards the Jewish population also changed. In the 1860s, various benefits were introduced that allowed merchants of the 1st guild, owners of academic titles, some categories of artisans. The government of Alexander II began to pursue a more flexible policy towards the peoples of the Volga region (the policy of forced Christianization in this region showed its complete failure; many newly baptized peoples returned to their former beliefs). The second half of the 19th century became for many of them the time of formation of the national intelligentsia; the foundations of literary Tatar language, the first Tatar and Chuvash schools were opened. At the same time, the administrative and political independence and national self-government of the German colonies in the Volga region and the national school in them were destroyed. All this caused the exodus of the German population from Russia to America.

Atmosphere liberal reforms contributed to the rise of national self-awareness in the ranks of the Ukrainian and Belarusian intelligentsia. But if in relation to other peoples the government allowed certain concessions. Then in Little Russia (Ukraine) and the provinces of the North-Western Territory (Belarus), the government saw the original Russian part of the country’s population and refused to recognize the independent existence of the Ukrainian and Belarusian peoples, their national language and culture.

Thus, the government of Alexander II pursued an electoral national policy. But this selectivity was manifested only in the choice various methods to achieve a single goal - strengthening a single and powerful Russian Empire.

The next ruler, Alexander III, acted in the same direction, seeing one of his main tasks as preserving the unity of the multinational Russian state.

Question 1. What were the main goals and directions of Russian foreign policy during the reign of Alexander II?

Answer. The main goals were to overcome international isolation after Crimean War and foreign political calm for carrying out domestic political reforms, for which peace was necessary. Main directions:

1) relations with European powers;

2) relations with the Ottoman Empire;

3) the annexation of Central Asia to Russia;

4) Far Eastern policy.

Question 2. Give a description of Russia's European policy. What were Russia's main achievements in this area?

Answer. The head of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Alexander Mikhailovich Gorchakov (by the way, a classmate of A.S. Pushkin at the Tsarskoye Selo Lyceum) used the contradictions between the European powers, of which there were many at that time, to strengthen Russia’s position in the international arena. Over time, it also turned out that Russia also has common interests with some European states. As a result, the following was achieved:

1) managed to overcome Russia’s international isolation;

2) joint suppression was agreed upon Polish uprising 1863-1864;

3) relations with France improved, and after their further deterioration, with Austria;

4) it was possible to recreate the Black Sea Navy without European opposition;

5) after the unification of Germany, it was possible to establish further rapprochement between Russia and Austria and Germany.

Question 3. Tell us about Russia’s policy in Central Asia. Can we consider that Russia pursued a colonial policy in this area?

Answer. Most of Central Asia was conquered, only some peoples (for example, the Kazakhs) came under Russian rule voluntarily. Conquests were usually carried out with small forces, great importance in which the Cossacks played. Russia captured states that were at a much lower stage of development, and began to control vast new lands. This could well be called a colonial takeover.

Question 4. How did Russia’s relations with China and Japan develop?

Answer. Russia signed several treaties with these states that finally defined the boundaries between them. At that time, both China and Japan tried to follow the path of modernization, albeit with different results. At the same time, the most powerful countries in the world, including Russia, considered them backward and were preparing colonial takeovers on their territory.

Question 5. What were the features of the annexation of the Far Eastern territories?

Answer. These lands were annexed peacefully through the signing of treaties with China and Japan. The justification for the annexation of some of them, for example, the Amur region, to Russia, was the Russian settlers who had already penetrated there. Some territories were for some time the joint possession of two states.

The personality of Alexander II stands out from other emperors Russia XIX century. He inherited the throne immediately after the defeat of the empire in the Crimean War. The son of the conservative Nicholas I carried out a series of liberal reforms in the country. For the abolition of serfdom, Alexander II was called the Emperor-Liberator. Judicial, zemstvo, city and other reforms of 1860-1870. gave impetus to the development of the country.

In foreign policy, the emperor and his associates had to face a series of challenges. The main task was the elimination of the consequences of the lost Crimean War and overcoming the international isolation of the empire. In 1863-1864. There was an uprising in the Kingdom of Poland. During the reign of Alexander II, a victorious war against Turkey took place, and the peoples of the Balkans were liberated.

The logical conclusion of the foreign and domestic political undertakings of Alexander II was an attempt at constitutional reform of the Russian Empire. Tragic death the emperor interrupted the liberal course. Emperor Alexander III returned to conservative politics and curtailed the constitutional initiatives of his father and his associates.

Polish uprising of 1863

Conference in London 1871 - a convention was signed that abolished the articles on neutralization of the Black Sea. Russia received the right to have a navy in the Black Sea and strengthen the southern border. The revival of Sevastopol as the main naval base began (the abolition of the articles of the Paris Peace Treaty)

“Union of Three Emperors” (Russia, Germany, Austria-Hungary) 1872. - an agreement of dynastic monarchs who united to fight republican and revolutionary socialist ideas. The isolation of Paris, which had recently dominated European affairs, was emphasized.

Russian-Turkish War 1877-1878. Progress of the war

• Serbia, Montenegro and Romania gained independence
• the autonomy of Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina was proclaimed
• autonomous Bulgaria received a Christian government and a prince, who was approved by the Porte with the consent of the European powers
• Southern Bessarabia was returned to Russia, and the fortresses in the Caucasus - Kars, Ardahan, Bayazet and Batum - were withdrawn.
• Türkiye was obliged to pay a significant indemnity.

Berlin Congress 1878 – England and Austria-Hungary, under the pretext of protecting Turkey, refused to accept the terms of the Peace of San Stefano and achieved their revision:

• The territory of the autonomous Bulgarian principality was reduced threefold
• Austria-Hungary occupied Bosnia and Herzegovina, and England occupied the island of Cyprus
• the amount of indemnity decreased

Internal crisis at the turn of the 1870s-1880s. M.T.Loris-Melikov and his program:

The appearance of the program (which was called the “Loris-Melikov Constitution”) dates back to the beginning of 1881. It was due to:

• political crisis at the turn of the 70-80s.
• intensification of the socio-political movement, including the zemstvo-liberal movement
• activities of the populist organization "People's Will", which deployed terror tactics

To overcome “sedition” it is necessary and useful to call on society to develop the necessary measures, that is, cooperation between the government and society

• create temporary preparatory commissions to prepare bills
• create an elected body under the tsar from representatives of zemstvos and cities (“General Commission”)
• both preparatory and general commissions were supposed to have a legislative advisory nature

The Loris-Melikov project was the first step towards building a constitutional system in Russia, the beginning of preparations for the creation of a parliament. The project was approved by Alexander II, but on the same day - March 1, 1881. - the emperor was killed. The project was rejected by Alexander III, as a result of which M.T. Loris-Melikov was forced to resign.

According to the leader of the world revolution, V.I. Lenin, during the reign of Alexander II, the Russian Empire turned into a “prison of nations.” Lenin tended to exaggerate reality, especially in matters relating to the monarchical system.

National politics Alexander II was very ambivalent, primarily due to the fact that the state was inhabited by representatives of many nationalities and ethnic groups with sharp differences in cultural, spiritual and social development.

The main core of the national policy of Alexander II was liberal unification national outskirts, which was accompanied by Russification and conversion to Orthodoxy. It is worth noting that, unlike his predecessors, Alexander II forbade the introduction of Orthodoxy in a violent form; rather, it was of a recommendatory nature.

Polish question

After numerous uprisings of 1863-1864 against the Russian crown in Poland, Alexander II was forced to continue the reactionary policies of his father: Polish officials were removed from their posts, and the emperor's confidants came to their places. Office work, educational process, jurisprudence since 1865 have been translated into Russian.

The main ideological opponent of Alexander II was the Polish gentry, so the emperor struck the first blow against them: in 1964, an agrarian reform was carried out in Poland, as a result of which the Polish elite lost half of their possessions and serfs. Even the name of the state - “Poland” - was taken out of circulation and replaced by the “Vistula region”.

Peoples of the Caucasus and Central Asia

If in the confrontation with Polish nationalism the emperor did not shy away from harsh methods of struggle, his attitude towards the peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus was radically opposite. During the reign of Alexander II, it was strictly forbidden to infringe on the national rights of these peoples.

Cultural and national traditions in these regions were actively encouraged by the tsarist authorities. The local elite was able to retain all official positions, and there were no repressions against the Muslim clergy. Believers who professed Islam were not only immune from conversion to Christianity, but also received significant tax discounts for preserving their national traditions and beliefs.

Such liberalism was based on the need to prevent new military conflicts with these peoples, in particular the inhabitants of the North Caucasus.

Solution to the Jewish Question

After fairly severe restrictions on the Jewish population, which were undertaken in the first half of the 19th century, during the reign of Alexander II, the people were equal in rights and freedoms with the Russian population. As a result of the policy aimed at assimilating the Jews, representatives of this people began to leave small towns en masse and move to villages; more and more often they entered into mixed marriages with Russians, and also actively joined trade relations.

Jews received unprecedented rights to privately own land and trade in alcoholic beverages. The end of national liberalism in the Russian Empire came immediately after the death of Alexander II. His son, Alexander III, as a sign of revenge for the death of his father, abolished all national prerogatives that the emperor had bestowed on the peoples.

Under Alexander III, the Russian Empire was a multinational state of 120 million people, which included more than 200 nations, nationalities and diverse ethnic groups. The huge difference in the levels of development of the peoples living in the country significantly complicated the implementation of national policy. 3

Considering politics Alexandra III the personal qualities of the king must be taken into account. Despite the fact that Alexander III had 1/64 Russian blood, by his character and mental make-up he was a Russian person. 4 First of all, he was identified as Russian by his Orthodox faith. For Alexander Alexandrovich, religiosity meant something more than submission to the ritual requirements of the church. He loved church services and prayed fervently. Religion gave him an emotional connection to both his calm brother and his mother. 5

Russianness was the trait that first of all caught the eye of everyone who met the emperor. He was raised in Orthodox faith by his mother, Empress Maria Alexandrovna. His teachers and educators were people who deeply loved Russia: historian S.M. Soloviev and philologist F.I. Buslaev. The famous lawyer K. Pobedonostsev played a major role in the formation of his personality. The writer I. Turgenev, who after a meeting in Paris with Tsarevich Alexander Alexandrovich wrote an article “Alexander III” in a French magazine, noted: “All that can be said about him is that he is Russian and only Russian. He even represents a remarkable example of the influence of the environment according to Darwin's theory: barely a few drops of Russian blood flows in his veins, and, however, he has so merged with this people that everything in him - language, habits, manners, even his very physiognomy is marked by distinctive features race. Wherever they saw him, they would name his homeland.” 6

Alexander III knew and loved Russian history well, highly respected and preserved Russian traditions and customs. Under him, at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, all office work and correspondence began to be conducted in Russian. 7 All these facts indicate that the tsar was a true Russian patriot. For the Tsar, Russian meant native. He himself always spoke Russian and preferred Russian food to overseas delicacies. The Tsar was a Russian nationalist. Then, in the twentieth century, this concept will be discredited by its extreme, hypertrophied chauvinistic manifestations (fascism, Nazism). For the previous period, this definition did not contain anything reprehensible. The formation of a nation, its spiritual and moral self-determination in all countries at certain stages of history inevitably led to the triumph of the national idea and national leaders. In Russia, such a time is the second half of the 19th century. 8

Yes, there was also a rather strict national policy, which is usually designated by the motto “Russia for Russians” (the concept of Russian then meant not only ethnic Russians, but also all others, primarily representatives of other Slavic peoples who adhered to the Orthodox religion).

At the same time, it was not a question that all non-Russians should either be expelled or forcibly “transformed” into Russians. Nobody set such goals and no one could set them. The essence of Russification was formulated completely differently: to provide priorities to the Russian (Orthodox) element, to ensure that the Russians and the Russian became the first and main thing in the empire. 9

Recognizing the nationalistic sentiments of Alexander III, one should immediately make a reservation that they never stooped to the level of chauvinism. There was no persecution of other peoples, persecution of their cultures and beliefs, just because they were not Russians in Russia on the initiative of the monarch. 10

Under Alexander III, a national-state political course was being formed, which pursued the goal of protecting the national, religious and cultural interests and values ​​of the main Orthodox mass of the inhabitants of the empire, constituting about 80% of the population.

The empire was multinational for centuries and should have remained so. However, the tsar could not and did not want to put up with discrimination against Russians in his home - Russia. eleven

Thus, speaking about the root causes of the pro-Russian orientation of the national policy of Alexander III, one must take into account the personal characteristics of the tsar. It was the patriotism formed in his youth that became the basis of the national-state policy of the monarch.

Features of Russification under Alexander III

In the 80s of the 19th century, the empire included many ethnic groups, and the social life of each of them flowed according to special customs and laws. Ethnic groups, of course, interacted, to a greater extent at the level of elites than at the level of peoples, but they did not live a single life, shared thoughts and sentiments, and did not exist as a single society 12. Therefore, the main goal of state policy was the creation of a unified Russian society, led by the main component - the Russian ethnic group. This could be achieved through the assimilation of the cultural characteristics of the peoples of the state. Thus, the main measure of the national policy of Alexander III became Russification.

Until the end of the 19th century. Russification was carried out primarily with the aim of creating a more efficient local administration, but in the 1880s. the intentions of the central government clearly reflected the desire for the cultural assimilation of ethnic minorities with the goal of transforming the empire into a more homogeneous, more national state.

The policy of Russification was not new in the empire. However, previously it was applied only to peoples found or suspected of separatist aspirations. In his will, drawn up in September 1876, Alexander II instructed the heir not to forget that the power of “our fatherland... is based on the unity of the state, and therefore everything that can tend to shake its unity, to the separate development of different nationalities, is detrimental to it and should not be tolerated."

Under Alexander III, Russification ceased to be a punishment imposed on an unruly region; it acquired the character of a systematic policy in relation to all nationalities subject to the Russian sovereign, even those most loyal to him. The very meaning of “Russification” has changed dramatically. The “Russian spirit” and “Russian soil” required vigorous protection from corrosion, which was threatened by destructive “ideas” emanating from other nations with a different “cultural type”. The family state cannot accommodate subjects of alien cultural types, since these types are associated with a different socio-political system. As Katkov wrote in 1882 in Moskovskie Vedomosti, “Russia can have only one state nation.” But the “great reforms” and the economic breakthrough in the second half of the 19th century contributed to the socio-economic and cultural development of the outskirts, that is, other nations. During the reign of Alexander III, the criteria for “Russianness” gradually shifted in a purely political direction. Also in early XIX century, “Russian” meant only “relating to Russia”, and then, in the Nikolaev era of “official nationality”, the concept “Russian” meant an Orthodox loyal subject; under Alexander III, the word “Russian” lost connection with cultural and religious qualities and became exclusively political characteristic. 13

A representative of the Russian people in this political sense could not be a bearer of liberal or revolutionary ideas and intentions. Persons of “inconsistent” beliefs, even titled nobles, such as, for example, the leader of the liberals, Prince D.I. Shakhovskaya, they could not claim the title of a “truly Russian” person. 14

Thus, in the state there appeared an identification of national and religious principles, which were given political meaning. The conservative “Russian idea” was based on the recognition that “Russia can have one state nationality,” but the concept of nationality is not an ethnographic, but rather a political term. The call to converge on “real, that is, Russian soil” meant unification under the banner of Orthodoxy and autocracy. The concept of “Russianness” both in conservative journalism and in the correspondence of conservatives serves, first of all, as a political characteristic.

Main activities of national policy

Russification, which became the basis of the national policy of Emperor Alexander III, involved a number of measures that concerned more the Russian outskirts.

Since the fundamental factor in identifying Russianness was religious, intensive construction began on the territory of Russia Orthodox churches. During the 11 years of Alexander III's reign, 5,000 churches were built, the most famous of them being the Church of the Resurrection of Christ at the site of the death of Alexander II, the Church of St. Prince Vladimir Equal to the Apostles in Kyiv. During the reign of Alexander III, the construction of the Cathedral of Christ the Savior was completed in memory of the deliverance of Russia from the Napoleonic invasion. In religious policy, the government began to persecute followers of Christian non-Orthodox sects, Old Believers, and Catholics. Buryats and Kalmyks were prohibited from building Buddhist temples. In the east of the empire, the government did its best to encourage the conversion of the local population to Orthodoxy.

The rights of Jews and Catholic Poles were significantly limited. Back in the 18th century, the “Pale of Settlement” was introduced for Jews, within which they were allowed to live. The Pale of Settlement included Poland, Lithuania, Belarus, Right Bank Ukraine, Bessarabia, Chernigov and Poltava regions. This restriction did not apply to Jewish merchants of the 1st guild, persons with higher education, artisans and soldiers. In 1882, “Temporary Rules” were issued, according to which Jews were deprived of the right to settle outside the cities and towns defined by the “Pale of Settlement”; they were also prohibited from purchasing and renting real estate. In 1887, a percentage norm for admission to higher educational institutions was determined for Jews - 3% in the capitals, 5% outside the Pale of Settlement. Since 1889, the admission of Jews to the positions of sworn attorneys (lawyers) was suspended.

The government pursued an active policy to “Russianize” Poland. For all important posts Russians were appointed in Poland, the Russian language was intensively implanted in school and in the office work of Polish administrative institutions. A number of measures were taken to further integrate the Polish economy into the Russian economy. So, in 1885, the Polish Bank was transformed into the Warsaw office of the St. Petersburg Bank. The Polish coin stopped circulating. In the Western Territory, support for Russian landowners began. The Noble Land Bank in the Western Territory provided loans only to Russian landowners.

Russification was carried out in territories where populations related to Russians lived. Thus, in Ukraine in 1881 the restriction of 1875 was confirmed, which prohibited the publication of books in the Ukrainian language in Ukraine. As a result, the center of the Ukrainophile movement moved to Galicia, which was part of Austria-Hungary. This led to increased anti-Russian sentiment in Ukraine.

In the Baltic states, the government waged a “fight against Germanization.” The three Baltic provinces - Estland, Livonia, Courland - lived a life isolated from the rest of the empire. The land here mainly belonged to the “Baltic Germans” - the descendants of noble German and Swedish-Danish families. They occupied all important positions in the local administration, the German language dominated in educational institutions and courts. Orthodox Christians paid fees to Lutheran churches and Lutheran clergy. Historically, in the Baltic states there was a confrontation between the “Baltic Germans” and the rest of the Latvian and Estonian population. Not only the Russians, but also the local population suffered from this “German” dominance. The government began to translate educational institutions, the judicial system, and local government bodies into Russian. In 1887, teaching in Russian was introduced in all higher educational institutions. This met with the approval of the local population.

At the same time, Finland's autonomy was significantly expanded. The Grand Duchy of Finland became part of the Russian Empire in 1809. By tradition, it had the broadest autonomy: it had its own Sejm, its own troops, its own monetary system. The Finnish Sejm under Alexander III received the right of legislative initiative, which he had been seeking for two decades. The official language was still Swedish, although only 5% of the population spoke it, and Finnish. Since 1890, the government began to take measures for closer unity between Finland and Russia. To this end, a manifesto was issued, according to which Russian coin was introduced at post offices and railways.

Thus, the national policy measures of Alexander III were of a conservative nature, which was expressed in following the Orthodox, monarchical and Slavophile traditions.