What is the real name of Poroshenko. Petro Poroshenko: biography and the whole truth about the "chocolate king" of Ukraine

Poroshenko Petr Alekseevich is a Ukrainian statesman and political figure, businessman. According to the latest Forbes estimates(February 2013), he ranks 5th among the Ukrainian rich (state - $ 1.8 billion). People's Deputy of Ukraine of the 7th convocation, non-factional. Founder and honorary president of the concern "Ukrprominvest".
People's Deputy of Ukraine from 1998 to 2005 and from 2006 to 2007, Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine from February to September 2005. Head of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine from 2007 to 2012. Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine from 2009 to 2010. Minister of Economic Development and Trade of Ukraine from March to November 2012.

His parents: Alexei Ivanovich Poroshenko (nee Valtsman) and Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko, got married in 1956. Petro Poroshenko was born on September 26, 1965 in Bolgrad (Odessa region). In 1989 he graduated from the Faculty of International Relations and International Law of the Kyiv University. T.Shevchenko majoring in international economics. In 2002 he defended PhD thesis "Legal regulation management of state corporate rights in Ukraine".

After graduating, Poroshenko began own business selling cocoa beans. In the 1990s, he acquired several confectionery businesses. Subsequently, he united them into the Roshen group, which became the largest manufacturer of confectionery in Ukraine. The enterprises of the confectionery industry he created brought him a fortune and the nickname "Chocolate King".
Approximately half of Roshen's exports go to Russia.
Owns, among other things, the Lipetsk confectionery factory.
In 1990-1991 Poroshenko worked as deputy general director of the Respublika Association of Small Businesses and Entrepreneurs. In 1991-1993 - General Director of JSC Exchange House "Ukraine". In 1993-1998 - General Director of CJSC Ukrainian Industrial Investment Concern (Ukrprominvest), President of OJSC Zavod Leninskaya Kuznya, Chairman of the Board of JSCB Mriya, Chairman of the Supervisory Board of OJSC Vinnitsa Confectionery Factory.

At present, Poroshenko's business empire also includes several automobile and bus factories (Lutsk Automobile Plant, Bogdan Corporation), the Leninskaya Kuznya shipyard, the Channel Five TV channel and a number of other enterprises.
The Poroshenko corporation's portfolio also included media assets. In 2011, Petro Poroshenko, in partnership with the founder and president of the UMH group, Boris Lozhkin, acquired KP Media from American businessman Jed Sanden (Korrespondent magazine, portals korrespondent.net, bigmir.net, etc.). In addition, Poroshenko and Lozhkin jointly owned the Nashe Radio, Retro FM, and Next stations. In 2013, Boris Lozhkin exercised an option to purchase Petro Poroshenko's stake in KP Media and the radio business. “I believe that our cooperation with UMH was very fruitful,” Poroshenko said.
Poroshenko has traditionally been among the richest Ukrainians. So, in the summer of 2006, experts estimated his assets at $ 505 million. With this indicator, he was in 15th place in the list of the 30 wealthiest Ukrainians compiled by Korrespondent magazine. In 2007, Focus magazine experts counted $756 million from Poroshenko, giving him 18th place in the top 100 Ukrainian rich.
A year later, that Focus estimated the president's godfather's assets at $1.450 billion (13th place in the list of domestic moneybags), and Korrespondent - at $1.120 billion (22nd place).

Poroshenko first won a seat in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukraine's parliament) in 1998. Initially, he was a member of the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (United), the most loyal political party to President Leonid Kuchma at the time. Poroshenko left the SDPU(u) in 2000 to create an independent centre-left Solidarity faction. In 2001, Poroshenko played an important role in the creation of the Party of Regions, also loyal to Kuchma. However, in December 2001 he parted ways with Kuchma's supporters by leading the Our Ukraine opposition bloc Viktor Yushchenko's campaign. After the parliamentary elections in March 2002, when Our Ukraine received the largest share of the vote, Poroshenko headed the budget committee in parliament.
Poroshenko was considered a close confidant of Viktor Yushchenko, who is the godfather of Poroshenko's daughters. Probably the richest businessman among Yushchenko's supporters, Poroshenko has often been cited as one of the main sponsors of Our Ukraine and the Orange Revolution.
Nestor Shufrich stated in 2007 that “in December 2004, changes to the Constitution (political reform) were adopted thanks to Poroshenko and Lytvyn, who immediately wanted to file power behind Yushchenko's back. They wanted to pass law 3207-1 so that the changes to the Constitution would come into effect on September 1, 2005 ... Poroshenko, who expected to become prime minister, together with Lytvyn would become two sovereign masters of Ukraine.”
In the March 2006 parliamentary elections, Poroshenko was re-elected to the Ukrainian parliament on the list of the Our Ukraine electoral bloc. He chaired the parliamentary committee on finance and banking.

The politician, despite his rich experience of being in the opposition, does not consider it an honor to be in it. "If it goes on too long, opposition can transform into criticism, becoming an end in itself," he said. And about his party he said this: "No matter what our fierce" friends "left and right predict our political strength, Our Ukraine has serious resources and plans for the future." By the way, according to some observers, Poroshenko is partly to blame for the failure of the "orange" coalition consisting of Our Ukraine, BYuT and SPU in the 2006 parliamentary elections. It is alleged that while Poroshenko claimed the seat of the speaker of the Ukrainian parliament, the Socialist Party decided to join the Alliance of National Unity, because he promised the seat of the speaker to the leader of the Socialists, Oleksandr Moroz, in the event of a coalition formation. Poroshenko allegedly insisted on the chair of the speaker to the last Verkhovna Rada for himself, as a result of which Alexander Moroz, the leader of the SPU, who claimed him, decided on an alliance with the Party of Regions and the Communists. As a result, Poroshenko with Our Ukraine and the Yulia Tymoshenko bloc were left without representation in the government.

Poroshenko has a long and close relationship with Viktor Yushchenko, both political and friendly. The owner of Ukrprominvest is the godfather of the third president. After the Orange Revolution, in which he was one of the most active participants, Poroshenko said he was responding to Yushchenko's call to separate business from politics. The management of the concern Ukrprominvest passed (at least formally) to his father Oleksiy Poroshenko, who took over CEO. However, from time to time the enemies of the politician accused him of the fact that the division happened only in words.

One of the pages of Poroshenko's biography is connected with the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. He was the secretary of this weighty structure from February to September 2005. He lost his post as a result of a scandal involving accusations of the president's inner circle of corruption and lobbying for personal interests. Then it all started with the scandalous press conference of State Secretary Alexander Zinchenko. The strongest flurry of criticism (especially from the lips of a recent political ally Yulia Tymoshenko) fell on Poroshenko and his party colleagues Nikolai Martynenko, Alexander Tretyakov, David Zhvania.
"National Security and Defense Council Secretary Poroshenko, first assistant to the president Tretyakov, several of their assistants, in particular, Martynenko, are cynically implementing their plan of using power for their own purposes," Alexander Zinchenko said.
Zinchenko accused Poroshenko of using official powers and redistributing property: “Ask businessmen in Crimea, Odessa region…. Above cynicism Poroshenko's desire to turn the NSDC into a full-fledged NKVD. “The smugglers were returned to the customs and they “pay” their benefactors in full, shadow schemes for privatization have been resumed.” He accused them of intending to appropriate the media, "schemes of forceful pressure."
According to Zinchenko, Tretyakov's first assistant "recreates the methods of Sergei Levochkin", "he monopolized access to the president, cut him off from the flow of information, and disorganized the president's schedule." "Poroshenko, Tretyakov and the campaign, appoint their own, feel free in the privatization processes," he added.
Oleksandr Zinchenko also stated that at recent meetings with the president he had repeatedly told him that his continued stay was possible only under the condition of Poroshenko's dismissal.

Since February 2007, Poroshenko headed the board of the National Bank of Ukraine, his three-year term of office expired on February 23, 2010, but only on April 26, 2012 did the NBU Council meet to hold a meeting (for the first time since March 2010), at which its new head was Igor Prasolov was elected.
On October 7, 2009, Ukrainian President Yushchenko nominated Poroshenko for the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Poroshenko was appointed by the Verkhovna Rada on October 9, 2009. On October 12, 2009, Yushchenko returned Poroshenko to the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.
Poroshenko supports Ukraine's accession to NATO and stated in December 2009: "I believe that this can be done in a year, in two, if there is political will, if there is a desire of society, if there is public support for the politicians who are engaged in this, if there is an understandable and correct information policy. At the same time, he noted then that the goal for Ukraine should not be NATO membership itself, but reforms, strengthening the country's security and improving the living standards of people.
On March 11, 2010, together with the entire Cabinet of Ministers, he was dismissed by the new President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych.
In December 2011, the Segodnya newspaper reported that Petro Poroshenko could replace Konstantin Grishchenko as Minister of Foreign Affairs. Poroshenko himself said that he did not intend to go to work in the government. According to Ukrainska Pravda sources, Poroshenko sought to retain the Foreign Ministry after Yanukovych was elected president in February 2010, but by the end of 2011, he had already cooled off to this position.

In 2011, Poroshenko sold the Radomyshl brewery and a 30% stake in the Simferopol car repair plant. On account of the debt, he gave 80% of the shares of the Cherkasy Bus plant. The businessman compensated for parting with property in some industries with high-profile acquisitions in others. The structures controlled by him successfully completed the purchase of a modified starch production plant in the German city of Zeitz, and the Antimonopoly Committee at the end of the year gave the go-ahead to acquire a stake in Firma Ekran LLC (Maximum TV brand).

On February 23, 2012, President Viktor Yanukovych, after meeting with Petro Poroshenko, announced that the latter had been offered the post of Minister of Economy. According to the Ukrainian Kommersant, Yanukovych and Poroshenko met at least two more times and discussed the work of the ministry. The basis for the negotiations was the so-called Poroshenko reform plan.
On March 23, 2012, Yanukovych, after another meeting with Poroshenko, signed a decree on his appointment as Minister of Economic Development and Trade.

Poroshenko returned to parliament after receiving more than 70% of the vote in the 2012 parliamentary elections in the single-mandate constituency No. 12 in the Vinnytsia region. In connection with his election as a deputy, he was dismissed from the post of minister.
On December 12, 2012, he announced that he was not going to join any faction in parliament. Poroshenko applied for the post of head of the parliamentary committee for economic policy, but did not agree to the condition to join the Batkivshchyna faction. As a result, he became a member of the European Integration Committee.
In March 2013, Poroshenko expressed his intention to take part in the elections of the mayor of Kyiv if he received the support of the parliamentary opposition.

During the Euromaidan, he supported the protesters. He often spoke at the Maidan. The press reported that it was Poroshenko who was the sponsor of the Maidan. In an interview " Novaya Gazeta he admitted that he was "sponsoring the revolution with food, water, firewood."
After clashes with police on Hrushevsky Street in January 2014, he promised to restore the Dynamo stadium and paving stones on Hrushevsky Street.
February 28, 2014, during an exacerbation political crisis in Crimea, Petro Poroshenko arrived in Simferopol, as a representative of the new Ukrainian authorities, to meet with deputies of the Supreme Council of Crimea. Residents greeted him with cries of "Russia", "Berkut", "Get out of Crimea!" and threw papers. Poroshenko left in a taxi, in which the police put him.
March 29, 2014 - registered with the CEC of Ukraine as a presidential candidate.

Vladimir Skomarovsky, David Zhvania, Viktor Korol, Arsen Avakov, Yuri Stets, Oksana Bilozir are considered close to Petro Poroshenko. At one time, Poroshenko worked quite closely with businessman Nikolai Martynenko, a deputy. According to some reports, this political duo controlled Niko's FM radio.

In early 2000, according to Companion, Poroshenko was part of the same "interest group" with the then head of the State Tax Administration of Ukraine, Mykola Azarov, and the former head of the presidential administration, Volodymyr Lytvyn. At one time, the latter was also credited with involvement in the creation of the Solidarity deputy group in the parliament.

In 2013, Poroshenko began the resuscitation of his pocket Solidarity party, led by his godfather Yuri Stets. Released Yuriy Lutsenko, who, gathering various activists under the revelations of a "prisoner of conscience", played the role. The purpose of this project is obvious - to drag into their networks a large layer of "anti-Sychs" who stay away from the promoted opposition brands.
The strength of Poroshenko's position is provided by a number of factors:
1. Diversified economic assets, including foreign (Russia, Europe), the value of which exceeds a billion dollars.
2.Own media, including news channel 5.
3. The presence of a base electoral region (Vinnitsa region), which ensures presence in the legislative bodies of power.
4. Good connections in the West and in Russia, which allows you to enlist their support at the right time.

Weaknesses of Poroshenko's position:
1.Competition with other oligarchs, who are more profitable for a "pure politician" in power than the presence of a subject with their own economic interests. The development of the "Family" is a vivid illustration of what happens when such a subject begins to concentrate the executive vertical in his hands.
2. Lack of own untwisted political force on which you can rely.
3. Powerful competition in the opposition camp, where at the start there are players with more powerful electoral reserves, and Poroshenko claims precisely this segment.
4. The image of an oligarch, and oligarchs in Ukraine, to put it mildly, are not liked.

On April 18, 2001, the then leader of the Yabluko faction, Mikhail Brodsky, stated that Petro Poroshenko had threatened him in connection with his criticism of the chairman of the STA, Mykola Azarov. Petro Poroshenko denied these accusations.
Budget falsification
On March 13, 2002, Nestor Shufrych, one of the SDPU(o) leaders, accused Petro Poroshenko, chairman of the parliamentary budget, of falsifying the 2003 budget. According to him, when redistributing the local budgets of Vinnytsia, Vinnytsia region and Cherkassy, ​​the standards were illegally increased by UAH 11 million. At the same time, UAH 4.5 million, according to Shufrych, were sent to the district where Petro Poroshenko was elected. The Prosecutor General's Office was instructed to study this issue. Poroshenko himself denied these accusations, calling them misinformation.

In 2003, the State Tax Administration in the Volyn region opened a criminal case accusing the leaders of the Lutsk Automobile Plant (LuAZ), which Petro Poroshenko controls through Ukrprominvest, of tax evasion. In July 2004 Court of Appeal Volyn region recognized such actions of the tax authorities as unlawful.

In November 2003 it was published telephone conversation, where voices sounded similar to the voices of Petro Poroshenko and the head of the board of Channel 5 Vladislav Lyasovsky. In it, a voice similar to the voice of Petro Poroshenko, in particular, in a rude form, tries to explain to Lyasovsky that the journalists were wrong when they covered Viktor Yushchenko's visit to Donetsk on October 31, 2003. In other words, according to the published recordings, Poroshenko tried to interfere in the editorial policy of the TV channel. Petro Poroshenko himself says that the recording was fake.

The Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine accused the director of OAO "Lenin's Forge" (which, according to some reports, Poroshenko controls) Petro Blindar of embezzlement and embezzlement of UAH 17 million. According to the prosecutor's office, on April 23, 2001, Blindar entered into a fictitious agreement with the Baget firm, and after transferring UAH 17 million to its account. spent the same day. On August 30, 2001, the mentioned firm was liquidated and removed from the state register.
The arrested Piotr Blindar was eventually released after demonstrations by the workers of the "Lenin's Forge", and the case with the plant's accusations turned into a series of legal disputes, which the parties win with varying degrees of success.

One of the members of the parliamentary investigative commission dealing with the case of Kolesnikov, on condition of anonymity, told the Segodnya newspaper that Boris Viktorovich had testified about Pyotr Alekseevich.
“He said that he was invited to Poroshenko on April 1, 2005 for a conversation. The Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council informed Kolesnikov that a criminal case was being prepared against him and Rinat Akhmetov. Like, the organizers want to get shares of a number of Akhmetov's enterprises, as well as TV channels. Boris did not specify whether he believes that Pyotr Alekseevich acted as a friend who warned a comrade, or as an extortionist. If the second option, then the case has a judicial perspective. If the guilt is proved, then Poroshenko will face up to 12 years in prison for extortion.”
Kolesnikov himself told the story of a conversation with a certain person from Yushchenko's entourage more than once. He did not name names, but he interpreted this conversation unequivocally as an attempt at extortion. Kolesnikov refused to confirm or refute his testimony on Poroshenko, saying that he would not say anything until the end of the commission's work. Irina Friz, Petro Poroshenko's press secretary, said that only the official report of the work of the parliamentary temporary investigative commission, and not gossip, would be commented on.

Former Deputy Prosecutor General Piskun Viktor Shokin, who opened a case against Kolesnikov, stated that he had never heard of proposals to Kolesnikov to “buy out” his arrest, and he did not discuss this issue with the then head of the Ministry of Internal Affairs Yuriy Lutsenko, or with the then secretary of the National Security and Defense Council Poroshenko. He told Segodnya about this, commenting on the information that in 2005, together with Poroshenko, he proposed to the then Prosecutor General Svyatoslav Piskun to arrest Boris Kolesnikov and businessman Renat Akhmetov's brother Igor and "earn" two billion dollars in this way.
As you know, then the media wrote that Piskun also testified to the GPU in the "Kolesnikov case" and during interrogation allegedly said that shortly before Kolesnikov's arrest, Poroshenko came to him and allegedly stated that he knew "how to earn 2 billion dollars" . It is necessary, they say, to arrest Kolesnikov and brother Akhmetov, "then Rinat will give everything for the two of them." Piskun, he said, refused. After that, Poroshenko allegedly said: "Well then, we will go to your deputy Shokin."

Poroshenko has an interest in several enterprises located on the territory of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova. The partner of the criminal businessman in Pridnestrovie and the representative of his interests in the Odessa region is a former employee of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Pridnestrovie with the rank of captain, a citizen of the Republic of Moldova, a native of the city of Bendery and a former classmate of P. Poroshenko Voloshin Sergey, fired for fighting and injuring a subordinate. Petro Poroshenko and Voloshin S. have shares in the Moldavkabel plant, the Bendery oil-extraction plant, the Bendery bakery plant, the brewery, the Tigina and Floare factories. In addition, Poroshenko, together with former adviser to President Yushchenko Yussef Hares, is a co-owner of the Transnistrian enterprise MMZ. This enterprise has repeatedly appeared in scandals related to the smuggling of scrap metal and the arms trade. Being engaged in business, Petro Poroshenko was in close relations with the "position" of Pridnestrovie, Mosenz Sergey, who, after Poroshenko took the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, was assassinated in March 2005, as a result of which Mosenz S. died along with the driver and bodyguard. Poroshenko maintains criminal relations in the city of Bendery with a certain “Kura”, for whose gas stations long time supplies fuel and lubricants from the Odessa region. In Tiraspol, Petro Poroshenko has shares in the Electromash plant, where, among other things, illegal production has been established various systems weapons. The fact that Poroshenko had business interests in the Republic of Moldova led to his interest in participating in the development of a plan to regulate the Transnistrian conflict, which is known as the “Yushchenko plan”, but in reality is the FSB-Poroshenko plan.
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genstab.info
Reference: The most famous property in the Republic of Moldova, which Petro Poroshenko is trying to seize by criminal means, is the Jemeni commercial center. The Jemeni case has already become known throughout Europe and is under the control of Josette Durrier, head of the Council of Europe monitoring commission for the Republic of Moldova. Lobbying the interests of the criminal regime of Smirnov-Antyufeev and paralyzing the “Smuggling-Stop” program, which the former Prime Minister of Ukraine Yulia Tymoshenko sought to implement, Petro Poroshenko legalized smuggling on the Transnistrian section of the Moldovan-Ukrainian border, which was actually recognized by the representative of the European Commission Emma Udvin and that continues to affect to this day. In addition, Poroshenko completely corrupted a group of officials holding the highest positions in the Republic of Moldova, headed by the Secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, Ion Morei. In view of the fact that Poroshenko’s activities cause great damage to the security interests of the Republic of Moldova, the Investigation Department of the Transnistrian Association “PRO EUROPA” is investigating the activities of the “tentacles” of this transnational criminal clan in the Republic of Moldova. The "main tentacle" of this octopus, Ion Morei, is engaged in constant illegal interference in the actions of the internal affairs bodies, the Prosecutor General's Office and the judiciary. The goal is the violent and illegal takeover of JSC "Jemeni" by the transnational criminal clan "Poroshenko". It is no secret to the public that the administrator of the commercial center, Ilya Rotaru, is being cynically persecuted by representatives of the bodies that should fight crime and corruption, but instead, following the wishes of Poroshenko, are engaged in fabricating cases in the worst post-Soviet traditions. At the same time, the representative of Poroshenko’s criminal business interests in the Republic of Moldova, V. Chofu, who was arrested for blackmail and extortion, was released, and the documents from his case, testifying to the crimes committed and continuing to be committed by the Poroshenko transnational criminal clan, were illegally seized by employees Center for Combating Economic Crime and Corruption and handed over to Poroshenko himself. In general, the very fact that such a responsible position, which is directly related to the process of resolving the Transnistrian conflict, as the post of Secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, is occupied by such a person as Ion Morei, is bewildering. Being the prosecutor of the city of Balti, Morey ordered the murder of the director of the Balti market Georgiy Grumatsky. After that, the Federal Security Service of the Russian Federation drew the attention of the “prosecutor”, which actually ruled the Republic of Moldova during the time of Petar Lucinschi. Morei was recruited by the former FSB resident in the Republic of Moldova, Valery Pasat, after which he was appointed Minister of Justice of the country. Today, holding the post of secretary of the Supreme Security Council of the Republic of Moldova, in addition to the interests of Poroshenko, Morey lobbies the interests of the group of Grigory Karamalak associated with transnational criminals, with whose lawyer Oleg Lozan Morey studied together. At the same time, Morey does not hesitate to misinform President Vladimir Voronin, regularly distorting information. Also, since the time when Morey served as the prosecutor of the city of Balti, he has provided special protection to a gang of murderers, rapists and extortionists, consisting of 14 Cheban brothers, immigrants from the village. Beliceni, whom he repeatedly helped to avoid punishment. Moray does not disdain banal thefts, reminiscent of kleptomania. Ion Morei was detained by the security service of shop No. 1 in the commercial center Sun-City for stealing products worth 1200 lei, which he committed while making purchases worth 1500 lei. The fact of finding a person demonstrating such behavior in a position that is important, including for the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict, forced the PRO EUROPA association to resort to the following extreme measure, applied only in exceptional cases.

He (Poroshenko) uses his position as Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine to lobby for personal business interests that are clearly criminal in nature. In addition, Petro Poroshenko is a lobbyist for the interests of the Smirnov-Antyufeev criminal regime in Ukraine. Smirnov used to pay Kuchma $2 million a month in exchange for Ukrainian border with the Transnistrian section of the Moldovan border existed in the format of special checkpoints for smuggling. Among the whole variety of goods transported by several illegal schemes through this section of the border, a considerable share is occupied by illegal deliveries of weapons produced in Transnistria. The Department of Investigation of the Transnistrian association "PRO EUROPA" managed to obtain copies of documents belonging to the Limited Group of Russian Forces and confirming the production of weapons on the territory of Transnistria, which the organization presents to the Ukrainian public. It should be noted that arms deliveries go through the section of the Kotovsky detachment of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, then through the Ilyichevsk port to the destination. Ilyichevsk port is controlled by an organized criminal group, in which the interest of Petro Poroshenko is also significantly represented, who is thereby actually involved in the illegal transit of various weapons systems through the territory of Ukraine. Pridnestrovian weapons were supplied to illegal Abkhaz armed formations and bandit formations of the international criminal and terrorist Karadzic, whose actions were classified by the European Parliament as genocide. Poroshenko's interest in the highest possible cargo turnover of the port has led to the fact that the decree of the government of Ukraine on the procedure for registering commercial transit operations with the participation of economic agents of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova is currently being violated. After dozens of "Transnistrian" echelons were detained in Ilyichevsk, Poroshenko carried out the corresponding "work" with the leaders of the Kotovo customs, and today smuggling passes the Ukrainian border without hindrance. Poroshenko’s interests in the State Border Service of Ukraine are represented by First Deputy Pavel Shisholin, who personally oversees the inviolability of Pridnestrovian cargo, while having the audacity to say that the border guards keep the border with Pridnestrovie under lock and key, for which they use space communications. Also, the head of the Odessa customs, Alexander Simonov, is involved in lobbying interests." - Boris Asarov, Chairman of the Pridnestrovian association "PRO EUROPA"
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Father, Poroshenko Aleksey Ivanovich, born June 11, 1936, born in the village of Sofyany, Izmaylovsky district, Odessa region, Ukrainian SSR, Ukrainian, citizen of the USSR, expelled from the members of the CPSU in connection with a criminal case, with higher education, liable for military service, married, worked since September 26, 1977 . to December 9, 1983 director of the Bendery Experimental Repair Plant, awarded the Order of the Badge of Honor, the medal "For Valiant Labor". In commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of V.I. Lenin", not convicted, living in the city of Bendery, Tkachenko St., 14, apt. 28..." He was arrested and was under investigation and trial pending a verdict. He was accused of committing crimes under Art. 155, 123, 184 part 1, 220 part 2, 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR and the Criminal Code of the RSFSR. The Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR excluded from the charge some episodes of the case due to lack of evidence (bribery), and on other episodes (abuse of official position) decided to dismiss the criminal case due to the absence of corpus delicti. Aleksey Poroshenko was sentenced to 5 years in prison with confiscation of property, with deprivation of the right to hold leadership positions for a period of five years, with a sentence to be served in a corrective labor colony general regime behind:
- "intentional additions to the state statistical reporting and the presentation of distorted reporting data on the implementation of plans", which was then considered (and it is not harmful to consider it now! - ed.) "anti-state actions that cause harm national economy USSR" (Article 155 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);
- "theft of state property by abuse of one's official position, embezzlement and embezzlement, by prior agreement by a group of persons, repeatedly in the amount of 2,235 rubles 91 kopecks" (Article 123 part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR, as amended by the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the MSSR of December 24, 1982 .);
- "illegal acquisition of property obtained by knowingly criminal means, committed on a large scale" (Article 220 part 2 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR);
- "illegal possession of weapons" (Article 227 part 1 of the Criminal Code of the MSSR).

Currently Alexey Ivanovich is the General Director of the concern "Ukrprominvest".
On June 25, 2009, Viktor Yushchenko of the year awarded Alexei Poroshenko the title of Hero of Ukraine with the award of the Order of the State.

Petro Poroshenko is married, his wife Marina Anatolyevna (born 1962) is a cardiologist, they have four children: son Alexei (born 1985), daughters Evgeny and Alexander (born 2000) and son Mikhail (2001) b.b.). The godparents of Evgenia and Alexandra are Viktor Yushchenko and Oksana Bilozir.

The family of Petro Poroshenko in 2009 completed the construction of a grandiose estate in the village of Kozin near Kyiv. The territory of the new estate occupies, if estimated by eye, about one or two hectares.
Previously, it was the recreation center "Chaika", which belonged to the Kyiv confectionery factory named after Karl Marx, owned by Poroshenko's related concern "Ukrprominvest".

He was awarded the Orders of Merit II (December 1998) and III (September 1999) degrees, the Grand Cross of the Spanish Order of Civil Merit. Laureate of the Prize. Pylypa Orlyka, holder of the Order of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, was awarded an honorary distinction from the Public Fund of St. Andrew the First-Called.

Honored Economist of Ukraine (1997), laureate of the State Prize of Ukraine in the field of science and technology (1999), candidate of legal sciences. In 2002 he defended his Ph.D. thesis "Legal regulation of the management of state corporate rights in Ukraine".
Author of monographs Public administration corporate rights in Ukraine. The theory of formation of legal relations” and a number of scientific publications. Co-author of the textbook "Modern International Economic Relations".
In 2009, Petro Poroshenko was ordained a deacon on the feast of the Trinity. Immediately after this, he took part in the procession, carrying the main icon of the holiday - the actual image of the Trinity.
Master of sports in judo.

Due to the fact that the countries of the West, and to be more specific, the United States, have already staked on the Ukrainian oligarch Petro Poroshenko, the president of the Fund for Combating Russophobia and political publicist Georgy Rozhko considered it his duty to tell about who this candidate is.

Petr Alekseevich Poroshenko is, first of all, one of the five richest oligarchs in Ukraine (a fortune of 1.8 billion dollars), a sponsor of the Maidan and, oddly enough, from Odessa (born and spent his childhood and youth in the Odessa region).

Petro Poroshenko was born on September 26, 1965 in Bolgrad. Graduated from the Faculty of International Relations of Kyiv University. From the beginning of the 90s, his entire family went into business (both his father and his now deceased brother), founding the Ukrprominvest corporation, whose general director was Petr Alekseevich. Ukrprominvest includes dozens of structures, such as the Leninskaya Kuznya plant and others.

According to the Internet publication "Versions", a few years ago, the Ukrprominvest concern included: SE "Ukrprominvest-confectioner": Kyiv Confectionery Factory named after. K. Marx (24.9% of shares); Vinnitsa confectionery factory; Kremenchug confectionery factory; Mariupol confectionery factory (49% of shares); Ukrprominvest-auto LLC is the official agent of JSC AVTO-VAZ, official distributor AVTT UAZ, dealer of GAZ OJSC, the largest supplier of IZH, ZIL cars to Ukraine, official importer of KIA (Korea), HYUNDAI (Korea), ISUZU (Japan), SUBURU (Japan), SAAB (Sweden), scooters and motorcycles YAMAHA and KAWASAKI (Japan); Ukravtozapchasti LLC (supply and wholesale spare parts, components, assemblies, tires, etc.); Trading House "Ista" (production and sale of batteries); JSC "Cherkassy Automobile Repair Plant" (production of small buses of urban type "Bogdan", collection of minibuses based on "Gazelle" vehicles, production of an emergency workshop for repair of main gas pipelines based on the KRAZ-260G vehicle, etc.); JSC "Lutsk Automobile Plant" (collection of cars LUAZ, UAZ, VAZ); JSC “Plant “Lenin's Forge” (construction of vessels of the “river-sea” type); branch of the Freight Forwarding Enterprise (freight and passenger transportation in Ukraine, in the CIS countries, the Baltic States, Eastern and Western Europe); Autoexpo company (organization of the largest automobile exhibitions in Ukraine, spare parts, service maintenance); taxi depot in Kyiv; three sugar factories; Lipetsk confectionery factory "Likonf" (Russia). In addition, Poroshenko controls the 5th TV channel, Niko-fm and the newspaper Pravda Ukrainy. Poroshenko often boasts that he started with cocoa beans. Yes, he started with cocoa beans, but being at the helm he managed to get a serious share of Ukraine ...

crime family

Petro Poroshenko is married to Marina Poroshenko, they have four children - Alexey, Evgenia, Alexandra and Mikhail. The godparents of Evgenia and Alexandra are Oksana Bilozir.

Aleksey Ivanovich Poroshenko, former co-owner and general director of CJSC Ukrprominvest, now a hero of Ukraine (Viktor Yushchenko awarded the title of hero to his relative, as they say, for his services to the Maidan 2004), and was previously convicted (in 1986 he went to prison). Then the Collegium for Criminal Cases of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian SSR found Alexei Poroshenko guilty of committing a crime under Art. property obtained by criminal means; carrying, storing, acquiring weapons) ... Aleksey Poroshenko received 5 years in prison with a sentence in a correctional labor colony of general regime with confiscation of property and deprivation of the right to hold leadership positions for a period of 5 years.

He just stole a little, falsified reports a little, gave bribes a little, kept weapons a little ... By the way, at the expense of weapons, the Poroshenko family earned the first serious capital on smuggling from Transnistria, including arms smuggling.

Transnistrian scandal

“He (Poroshenko) uses his position as Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine to lobby for personal business interests that are clearly criminal in nature. In addition, Petro Poroshenko is a lobbyist for the interests of the Smirnov-Antyufeev criminal regime in Ukraine. At one time, Smirnov paid $2 million a month in exchange for the fact that the Ukrainian border with the Transnistrian section of the Moldovan border existed in the format of special checkpoints for smuggling.

Among the whole variety of goods transported by several illegal schemes through this section of the border, a considerable share is occupied by illegal deliveries of weapons produced in Transnistria. The Department of Investigation of the Transnistrian Association managed to obtain copies of documents belonging to the Limited Group of Russian Forces and confirming the production of weapons on the territory of Transnistria, which the organization presents to the Ukrainian public. It should be noted that arms deliveries go through the section of the Kotovsky detachment of the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, then through the Ilyichevsk port to the destination. Ilyichevsk port is controlled by an organized criminal group, in which the interest of Petro Poroshenko is also significantly represented, who is thereby actually involved in the illegal transit of various weapons systems through the territory of Ukraine.

Pridnestrovian weapons were supplied to illegal Abkhazian armed formations and bandit formations of the international criminal and terrorist Radovan Karadzic, whose actions were classified by the European Parliament as genocide. Poroshenko's interest in the highest possible cargo turnover of the port led to the fact that at that time the decree of the government of Ukraine on the procedure for registering commercial transit operations with the participation of economic agents of the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova was violated. After dozens of “Transnistrian” echelons were detained in Ilyichevsk, Petro Poroshenko carried out the corresponding “work” with the leaders of the Kotovo customs and smuggling began to pass the Ukrainian border without hindrance.

Poroshenko's interests in the State Border Service of Ukraine were represented by the first deputy, who personally oversaw the inviolability of Pridnestrovian cargo, while having the audacity to say that the border guards keep the border with Pridnestrovie under lock and key, for which they use space communications. Also, the head of the Odessa customs, Alexander Simonov, and the Chairman of the Pridnestrovian association PRO EUROPA, were involved in lobbying interests.

Such is the lover of laws and weapons "the current president" ...

But above all, Petro Poroshenko is an ordinary political prostitute. He quite successfully enriched himself under Kuchma, enriched himself under Yushchenko, and enriched himself under Yanukovych. Petro Poroshenko is two times a minister, once a secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, three times a deputy and ... a billionaire. Almost from the very beginning of "independence" he has been at the helm of Ukraine. All the economic and political crises of Ukraine are, among other things, his merits.

The political career of Petro Poroshenko began back in 1998, when he was elected a people's deputy of the parliament of the III convocation. Then he ran for the majority constituency No. 12 in the Vinnitsa region. He entered the parliamentary faction of the United Social Democrats, was elected a member of the party's Politburo, headed by Viktor Medvedchuk. He was also a member of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Finance and Banking, again under Medvedchuk and Kuchma. Yes, yes, he was friends with Kuchma and Medvedchuk.

In 2000, Poroshenko left the SDPU and created an independent center-left Solidarity faction.

A year later, he played an important role in the creation of the Party of Regions, but a little later he parted ways with Kuchma's supporters and led the campaign of Viktor Yushchenko's Our Ukraine opposition bloc. Quietly and calmly, for business purposes, he moved to the radially opposite side.

In March 2002, he was elected to the Verkhovna Rada of the IV convocation from Our Ukraine and headed the budget committee (until September 2005).

In 2003, Petro Poroshenko became the founder of Ukraine's first "pro-orange" news channel - Channel 5, which is already known throughout the world for its bias and deceit. But more on this channel later...

In 2004, a new stage began in Poroshenko's political career. Since July, he has become deputy chief of staff of the Power of the People coalition, one of the leaders and sponsors of the Orange Putsch and a potential candidate for prime minister. However, the premiership went to Yulia Tymoshenko. Poroshenko, in January 2005, took the post of Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine.

During the political crisis in Ukraine in September 2005, during the outbreak of corruption scandals, Poroshenko was personally dismissed by the president. At the same time, the entire Cabinet of Ministers of his main political rival, Tymoshenko, was dismissed.

In the 2006 parliamentary elections, Petro Poroshenko was re-elected on the list of Our Ukraine, headed the parliamentary committee on finance and banking.

From February 2007, Poroshenko headed the board of the National Bank of Ukraine, his three-year term of office expired on February 23, 2010. However, the Council of the NBU, which elected a new head, met for a meeting only on April 26, 2012.

On October 9, 2009, Poroshenko was appointed by the Verkhovna Rada to the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, and three days later Yushchenko returned Poroshenko to the National Security and Defense Council.

On March 11, 2010, together with the entire Cabinet of Ministers, he was dismissed by the new President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych.

On February 23, 2012, the President, after meeting with Petro Poroshenko, granted him the post of Minister of Economy. Poroshenko returned to the leadership of the Party of Regions, in whose creation he once made serious efforts. Everything for business - everything for the family.

He was dismissed from the post of minister in connection with his election as a deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of the 7th convocation. On December 12, 2012, he announced that he was not going to join any faction in parliament and became a member of the European Integration Committee. And temporarily quieted down - he wanted to be clean before the elections, at least, the mayor's in Kyiv, and, as a maximum - the presidential one.

Thus, we perfectly see how Petro Poroshenko successfully “maneuvered” between political groups, simultaneously earning the first million, the first ten million, the first hundred million, the first billion, but in general, at the time of the Maidan, his fortune, let me remind you, was estimated at 1.8 billion dollars. And all this was acquired over the years of the so-called "state" service.

Petro Poroshenko is considered a close confidant of Viktor Yushchenko, who is the godfather of Poroshenko's daughters. As the richest businessman among Western supporters, Poroshenko was the main sponsor of the 2004 Orange Revolution and the 2013-2014 Euromaidan. He himself jokingly said that he "sponsors the revolution with food, water, firewood."

In February, during the aggravation of the political crisis in Crimea, Petro Poroshenko arrived in Simferopol as a representative of the new Ukrainian authorities, where he was quite rightly greeted with cries of “Russia”, “Berkut”, “Get out of Crimea!” and threw all sorts of rubbish. Petro Poroshenko then hurriedly left in a taxi, in which the police put him. This politician enjoyed such love of the people.

And now to the dirty things...
Threats to Brodsky

On April 18, 2001, the leader of the Yabluko faction, Mikhail Brodsky, said that Petro Poroshenko had threatened him in connection with his criticism of the head of the State Tax Administration Mykola Azarov. Peter Alekseevich denied these accusations. Interestingly, already in September 2005, Mikhail Brodsky was one of those who publicly accused the Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, Petro Poroshenko, of corruption.

Falsification of the budget (all in the father!)

On March 13, 2002, one of the leaders of the SDPU (o) Nestor Shufrich accused the chairman of the parliamentary budget, Petro Poroshenko, of falsifying the 2003 budget. According to him, when redistributing the local budgets of Vinnytsia, Vinnytsia region and Cherkassy, ​​the standards were illegally increased by UAH 11 million. At the same time, 4.5 million, according to Shufrich, was sent to the district where Petro Poroshenko was elected. The Prosecutor General's Office was instructed to study this issue. Poroshenko himself denied these accusations, calling them misinformation.

Tax evasion

In 2003, the State Tax Administration in the Volyn region opened a criminal case against the leaders of the Lutsk Automobile Plant (LuAZ), which Petro Poroshenko controlled through Ukrprominvest, of tax evasion. In July 2004, the Court of Appeal of the Volyn region recognized such actions of the tax authorities as unlawful. Let me remind you that at that time Petro Poroshenko served as Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council (National Security and Defense Council) of Ukraine - by virtue of his position, he could settle any issue with law enforcement officers.

Attempts to put pressure on Channel 5

In November 2003, a telephone conversation was published, where voices sounded similar to the voices of Petro Poroshenko and the head of the board of Channel 5, Vladislav Lyasovsky. In it, a voice similar to the voice of Petro Poroshenko, in particular, in a rude form, tries to explain to Lyasovsky that the journalists were wrong when they covered Viktor Yushchenko's visit to Donetsk on October 31, 2003. In other words, according to the published recordings, Poroshenko tried to interfere in the editorial policy of the TV channel.

The essence of the conversation was that Poroshenko, in non-parliamentary terms, demanded to “put things in order” in the news service of the TV channel, which he maintains on his oligarchic “blood money”. More precisely, he ordered the dismissal of journalist Andriy Shevchenko because he did not properly cover the events in Donetsk.

I will quote only the most famous fragment of the conversation:
Poroshenko: I'll find journalists for you in an hour. For these "grandmothers" that they receive.
Lyasovsky: If such a position, consider that this question is no longer worth it. Will stand normal people, which will normally illuminate, in my opinion, there were no problems before.
Poroshenko: Please, your program, b... so I won't air it. I don't have the "Hour with Andriy Shevchenko" program! Understandably? I have my own information program, on my channel, for which I pay "grandmothers"!
Lyasovsky: I understand it.
Poroshenko: Not a single “bastard” showed me in Donetsk. I "cancer" climbed the barricades! Are they “fucked up” or something, b ...! Ivy and Chervonenko are there, b .... we have the main, on x ...! Who are you promoting, e ... your mother? What the f... is being done? An event is coming! So maybe you'll tear your ass off, go to Donetsk, b ..., and not to Vinnitsa! Shevchenko is not the only one to blame, b ...! The situation in Donetsk! Go to Donetsk, my dear! Because, b... if they are "stars", then you are there! Understand?
Lyasovsky: Yes. I understand. And clearly, it's my fault.

In principle, there is nothing surprising in such a manner of communication between the owner and the manager. Especially by Ukrainian standards. However, the scandal arose due to the fact that this conversation refutes the legend about the non-interference of the owner of the channel Poroshenko in the affairs of journalists. And here characters stories are in an extremely uncomfortable position - they cannot (and do not) deny the fact of the conversation, but they try to reduce it to simple solution technical issues rather than censorship.

Another scandal and again with Channel Five arose in the summer of 2013, then the “face” of Channel Five Tatyana Danilenko, having learned that her employers began to no longer need her services as a presenter and journalist, decided to conduct a “punitive” action against the main culprit alleged dismissal - the owner of Petro Poroshenko. Tatyana Danilenko said that if she is fired, she will publish in the media mass media and through journalistic organizations, information about various dirty harassment by Petro Poroshenko, coupled with comments that her dismissal was the result of jealousy and national intolerance on the part of the head of the channel towards Mustafa Nayem (with whom the journalist is in a relationship). Danilenko also intends to show the public more than a hundred examples of how Poroshenko interfered in the editorial policy of the channel, for example, about the “removal” of materials about President Yanukovych and his entourage from the air. After this incident, the topic calmed down - the parties agreed.

Here is such a lover and fighter for the free press Petro Poroshenko...

The case of "Lenin's forge"

The Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine accused the director of OAO Leninskaya Kuznitsa (which, according to some sources, Poroshenko controls) Petro Blindar of embezzlement and misappropriation of UAH 17 million. According to the prosecutor's office, on April 23, 2001, Petr Blindar entered into a fictitious agreement with the Baget company, and after transferring UAH 17 million to its account. spent the same day. On August 30, 2001, the mentioned firm was liquidated and removed from the state register.

Petro Poroshenko - the first sip

Extortion

One of the members of the parliamentary investigative commission dealing with the case of Kolesnikov, on condition of anonymity, said that he had testified about Pyotr Alekseevich.

He said that he was invited to Poroshenko on April 1, 2005 for a conversation. The Secretary of the National Security and Defense Council informed Kolesnikov that a criminal case was being prepared against him and Rinat Akhmetov. Like, the organizers want to get shares of a number of Akhmetov's enterprises, as well as TV channels. Boris did not specify whether he believes that Pyotr Alekseevich acted as a friend who warned a comrade, or as an extortionist. If the second option - then the case has a judicial perspective. If proven guilty, Poroshenko faces up to 12 years in prison for extortion

As you know, then the media wrote that the Prosecutor General of Ukraine Svyatoslav Piskun also testified to the GPU in the "Kolesnikov case" and during interrogation allegedly said that shortly before Kolesnikov's arrest, Poroshenko came to him and allegedly stated that he knew "how to make money 2 billion dollars." It is necessary, they say, to arrest Kolesnikov and Akhmetov's brother, Igor, "then Rinat will give everything for the two of them." Piskun, he said, refused. After that, Poroshenko allegedly said: “Well then, we will go to your deputy Shokin.”

"Chocolate Bunny" (son of "Chocolate King")

Petro Poroshenko did very little work as Minister of Foreign Affairs - from October 2009 to March 2010. Succeeded, of course, a little. But it was during this period that his son, Alexei Petrovich Poroshenko, at the age of 24, became deputy head of the trade and economic mission of Ukraine (TEM) in China.

And in December 2009, Chinese Ambassador Zhou Li visited the Roshen factory in Vinnytsia, which, as you know, belongs to the Poroshenko family. I will not claim that the then Foreign Minister Petro Poroshenko had a hand in this visit. Perhaps the guest from the Celestial Empire accidentally became interested in Roshen products. But what is known for certain: during the ambassador's tour of the "sweet" workshops, the issue of exporting sweets to the Chinese market was actively discussed. As a result, nothing happened - the Chinese did not like Roshen products - the deal did not take place.

Petro Poroshenko's business plan is quite understandable. Rapidly developing China with a population of about 1.5 billion people is an excellent market for such products. And who better to lobby for the interests of the pope than his own son?!

It is unlikely that anyone doubts that Peter Alekseevich attached his son in order to promote his business in China. Therefore, it seems to me that the activities of Poroshenko Jr. do not quite correspond to the status of a civil servant.

family estates

The family of Petro Poroshenko in 2009 completed the construction of a grandiose estate in the village of Kozin in Koncha-Zaspa, which is 10 kilometers from Kyiv. The territory of the new estate occupies about two hectares.

Previously, there was a recreation center for workers "Chaika", which belonged to the Kyiv confectionery factory named after Karl Marx, which is now owned by Poroshenko's related concern "Ukrprominvest".

The central object is a large white house, by the way, outwardly similar to White House from USA. The ensemble is complemented by a smaller house, which stands twenty meters away. Also on the Poroshenko site there is something similar to a cottage for guests, a log cabin complex, two gazebos near the water and a colonnade. Poroshenko also has his own private chapel.

Poroshenko's people took land from the blind

It so unfortunately happened that next to Poroshenko's estates there was a recreation center of the Ukrainian Society of the Blind "Ivushka" (on the Kozinka River in Koncha-Zaspa).

As a result, in February 2014, the Prosecutor's Office of Ukraine opened a case on the fact of seizing the lands of the recreation centers of the Ukrainian Society of the Blind "Ivushka". Then the prosecutor's office opened criminal proceedings on the fact of seizing two plots at once - the land of the recreation center of the UOS, the Ukrainian Society of the Blind "Ivushka", as well as the base of the confectionery factory named after. Karl Marx "The Seagull".

The case was opened on the fact of the transfer of the recreation center itself to the commercial structure Soyuz-Invest LLC, which is a screen for the real customer of the raid, which, according to the injured disabled, was Petro Poroshenko. The suspect is the director of the Society of the Blind Alexander Kramnesty. The prosecutors have a logical question - was Kramnisty personally entitled to sign an agreement on joint activities with Soyuz-Invest LLC without agreeing the text of the agreement with the presidium of the UOS, to act contrary to the interests of the UOS in favor of a commercial company?

How much arrogance and cynicism do you need to gain in order to do this with people who not only do not have chocolate millions, like some, but are deprived of the opportunity to see?!

But before the incident with the seizure of property from the disabled, there was an equally loud scandal overflowing with cynicism ...

In 2008, tenants were forcibly evicted from the hostel on Surikov Street, house 5 - a total of 4 families. Residents consider their eviction illegal. The main shareholder of JSC "Leninskaya Kuznya" (where the hostel at Surikov, 5 was illegally assigned) was Petro Poroshenko. The conflict with the tenants of the hostel has been going on since 2005. On April 1 of that year, President Viktor Yushchenko, together with Petro Poroshenko, personally met with the tenants of the hostel at 5 Surikov Street. Then they promised the tenants that no one would evict them ... As a result, they deceived them - they threw people out into the cold ...

In October 2004, while Arseniy Yatsenyuk was acting as chairman of the NBU (National Bank of Ukraine), Mriya Bank was granted a stabilization loan in the amount of UAH 50 million at 11.5% per annum.

The loan was issued in accordance with the secret Decree of the NBU, adopted in one copy dated October 6, 2004, No. 473, classified as "bank secrecy". These funds, as stated, were intended to improve the Mriya bank, allegedly undermined by the outflow of 11% of individual depositors.
At that time, as is known, the interest rate on the interbank market was 20% per annum and higher. The NBU issued loans at a rate of 11.5% only on bail valuable papers issued by the state, while Mriya received a loan at a rate of 11.5% for 8 months secured by promissory notes and corporate rights of enterprises.

Shortly after the incident, in 2006 Mriya Bank was sold to Vneshtorgbank (RF) for US$70 million.

Thus, the financial institution, which allegedly suffered from an 11% (!) outflow of depositors, was rehabilitated at the state expense, and then sold. It is clear that the profit from the sale was not received by the state. But it is not clear why, Poroshenko's bank received a loan at a clearly underestimated rate, and even secured not by securities issued by the state, but by illiquid bills of the "chocolate king" enterprises.

It is also not clear why Arseniy Yatsenyuk executed the deal through a secret decree and what was his personal role in this operation...

Poroshenko resigned due to corruption

Another page of Poroshenko's biography is connected with the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. He was the secretary of this weighty structure from February to September 2005. He lost his post as a result of a scandal involving accusations of the President's inner circle of corruption and lobbying for personal interests. Then it all started with the scandalous press conference of State Secretary Alexander Zinchenko. The strongest flurry of criticism fell on Poroshenko and his party colleagues Nikolai Martynenko, Alexander Tretyakov, David Zhvania.

“Our shame today is the accusation of our high-ranking party members of corruption,” it was said in an appeal at one of the congresses of members of the Uzhgorod regional organization of the party. "The names of Poroshenko, Tretyakov, Martynenko, Zvarych, Zhvania, Chervonenko compromise honest, decent people who tied their future with the Our Ukraine People's Union, compromise both the new Ukrainian government and our President."

“National Security and Defense Council Secretary Poroshenko, First Assistant to the President Alexander Tretyakov, several of their assistants, in particular, are cynically implementing their plan to use power for their own purposes,” Alexander Zinchenko.

“Ask businessmen in Crimea, Odessa region…. Above cynicism Poroshenko's desire to turn the NSDC into a full-fledged NKVD. “The smugglers were returned to the customs and they “pay” their benefactors in full, shadow schemes for privatization have been resumed,” Zinchenko added.

According to Zinchenko, first assistant Tretyakov "recreates the methods of Sergei Levochkin", "he monopolized access to the president, cut him off from the flow of information, disorganized the president's schedule." "Poroshenko, Tretyakov and the campaign, appoint their own, feel free in the privatization processes," he added.

Poroshenko against the CES and the Customs Union

Nor does he support the creation of the Common Economic Space and the Customs Union. So in May 2005, Poroshenko, as secretary of the National Security and Defense Council, declared the groundlessness of the statements of Nazarbayev and Lukashenko on the creation of the CES without Ukraine: “The creation of the CES in the version in which it was conceived without the participation of Ukraine is impossible and lacks economic sense for all participants in the integration association.”

In June 2005, on the air of Channel 5, Poroshenko said: “We have a feature, this feature is a free trade zone without the creation of supranational bodies and a customs union,” and noted that today the process of Ukraine’s integration into the CES is transparent, which was not under the previous government.
And in November, while still a minister, Poroshenko noted that Ukraine had no plans to join the Customs Union: “On November 28, the first meeting will be held in the trade dialogue group, which was created, among other things, on my initiative. This is the official institutionalization of relations between Ukraine and the Customs Union… If Ukraine planned to join the Customs Union, why then formalize relations between the two subjects of international economic relations?”.

In January 2013, Poroshenko said on Radio Liberty that there are currently no conditions for Ukraine to join the Customs Union: “Ukraine today demonstrates behavior that does not contain an immediate danger of Ukraine joining the Customs Union. These conditions do not exist today.”

Poroshenko for repressions against opponents of European integration

By the way, back in March 2013, Petro Poroshenko launched a campaign to intimidate opponents of European integration with sanctions and other repressions. Even then, as if on behalf of Brussels, he uttered: “If there is no movement to Europe, European Union will make decisions to bring to justice those who impede this movement.” This is not a stipulation. Then he clarified once again that “it will also be a question of responsibility officials that hinder this movement.

Poroshenko supports Ukraine's accession to NATO and, being Ukraine's Foreign Minister, said in December 2009: "I believe that this can be done in a year, in two, if there is political will, if there is a desire of society, if there is public support for politicians, who are engaged in this, if there is a clear and correct information policy.

Poroshenko against the Russian language

In addition, Petro Poroshenko advocated a radical language program - Ukraine only the Ukrainian language.

In May 2012, the Roshen confectionery corporation, in order to save money (increase profits), replaced Ukrainian-language inscriptions on chocolates with Russian-language ones in order not to make two types of packaging - for Russia and for Ukraine. In November, nationalists made a big deal out of this on social media. Poroshenko then announced that the Roshen Corporation would return markings in Ukrainian to its products. On Facebook, he wrote:

Therefore, I initiated a discussion of this topic at the Board of Directors of Roshen Corporation, as a result of which my arguments were accepted: Ukrainian goods on the Ukrainian market should be in Ukrainian... This is just as important as the fact that Ukraine should have one official language- Ukrainian. This is my position: it was, is and will be unchanged

Poroshenko is against federalization

Poroshenko is an opponent of the federalization of Ukraine. In May 2006 (in an interview with the Delo newspaper in response to BYuT accusations against Our Ukraine about holding secret negotiations with the Party of Regions), he stated that “negotiating and meeting are two absolutely different formats… It is necessary to meet, because if the political force, which represents 40-50-70% of a particular region, is driven into a corner, then it may begin to act inadequately… I am convinced that the inability to find a compromise can lead to the process of federalization. Moreover, the security and territorial integrity of the country are the highest priority. The people will curse us if we allow the split of the country. Anathema will be sung in the church.”

Short summary:

1. Poroshenko built his empire from Soviet enterprises, which he bought “for free”, receiving rather suspicious loans for this and using his political position. Petro Poroshenko's father is a former convict, and Petro Poroshenko himself was repeatedly deprived of public office due to corruption scandals.

2. Petro Poroshenko is a political prostitute. Kuchma, Yushchenko, Yanukovych - it's all the same to him - the main thing is to be at the helm and lobby for the interests of his business.

3. Poroshenko is a political comrade and relative of Viktor Yushchenko, under whom Ukraine at one time reached a serious decline (as a result of which Viktor Yanukovych replaced him), Poroshenko at that time seriously increased his capital. By the way, even then Ukraine cracked, and only ten years later the country finally split into two Ukraines.

4. Petro Poroshenko is an opponent of the rapprochement of the fraternal peoples of Ukraine, Russia and Belarus. Poroshenko traditionally opposes the Eurasian and Customs Unions. He is also a supporter of NATO expansion and believes that Ukraine should join this alliance.

6. Petro Poroshenko against the Russian language in Ukraine.

7. Poroshenko is one of the main sponsors of the Euromaidan, which resulted in the overthrow of the legitimate government in Kyiv, the advent of the junta, the split of Ukraine into two parts, the loss of Crimea, as well as the serious possibility of losing the entire South-East of Ukraine…

P.S

Poroshenko - bright representative during the reign of Lazarenko, Kuchma, Yushchenko, Yanukovych. He served in turn Lazarenko, Kuchma, Yushchenko, Yanukovych. The first corruption scandal under Yushchenko began precisely with the conflict between Tymoshenko and Poroshenko. In principle, Poroshenko could also sit down, like almost everyone up there. The owner of countless treasures earned by "righteous" labor side by side with Lazarenko, Kuchma, Yushchenko and Yanukovych. But he continues to influence the minds and moods of the crowd, organizing another election campaign for himself, giving the crowd what it asks for - bread and circuses.

I’m constantly slandering in social media on roses about those who are the rightful name of the President’s name - Valtsman, and Poroshenko is the name of the mother, like the father of Peter Oleksiyovich, Oleksiy Ivanovich, taking this as punishment for stealing a great socialist power in power. And yet the “researchers” are writing that Father Poroshenko, having become the first “guild worker” in the Radyansk Union, and having spent to a penal colony through the robbing of the lane of the Bendery Experimental and Repair Plant of the Moldavian RSR, which he stole.

The axis is a typical quote from a typical addition, which was massively expanded not long before the presidential elections among the grassroots: “44-year-old Moldovan Jew Petr Alekseevich Poroshenko (born Valtsman, who took his mother’s surname) - a native of the Odessa region - is torn to the presidency.”

Well, let’s go, Petr Oleksiyovich is 49 years old. I did not change the name of my wine, but all my life is worthy of my father. That father yogo, like, fictitiously, was prosecuted, having spent to prison under his last nickname and with the entry “Ukrainian” in the 5th column of the passport. Moreover, at the time of the arrest, he worked not in Bendery, but in Tiraspol, and not as the director of the plant, but as the head of SPMK-7 (tobіvleno-assembly colony) to the Moldsilgospmontazh trust.

Really criminal on the right, through the yak Poroshenko Sr. Back in 2005, I had a chance to rozshukati and skopiyuvati materials tsієї inquire, as nіnі zberіgaєtsya in Chisinau. Ale oprilyudnyuvati її I did not become accused through ludicrousness.

The father of the President was not a kind of “guild leader”, but he leaned behind the gates of wine through those who took two coils of enameled cable as the director of the Moldsilgospmontazh plant, as if he had taken it in his garage. And also - for those who added 64 liters of alcohol from water that was not established by the investigation, “obviously obtained by a malicious way” (because in the Radyansk Union, alcohol from such a quantity in a legal way was impossible to obtain). And yet O.I. Poroshenko was blamed for the one who, in 1968 and 1979, added two self-made knives, as if he had taken home, and as if he had been convicted, God forgive me, with a cold streak. Bulishe accusations of postscripts, unpaid otrimanny awards, etc., but Poroshenko was wrong on these episodes of the truth.

For the part of the family, who every year the Hero of Ukraine on the tereny of Vinnychchyna, accused him of the evildoer - it's just a child's fun. On the other hand, for such fun in the years they were punished mercilessly - by the large collegium of the criminal rights of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian RSR dated July 20, 1986 in reference No. 2-121/86 Poroshenko Oleksiy Ivanovich (Poroshenko, not Valtsman), Ukrainian, June 11, 1936 people, buv litigation up to 5 years of release of freedom from the release of punishment from the prison labor colony of the prison regime, confiscation of the lane and the release of the right to sit a stone plant for 5 years.

At the advancing Presidium of the Supreme Court of the Moldavian RSR (which, before the speech, I don’t know the number of commentators “help Poroshenko”), in order at a glance, I looked at the verk and the decision on 10 September 1987, date No. 4u-155/87 took O.I. Poroshenko accused of stealing enameled cable and in other cradles of sovereign power, changing the lines of free will to 2 years, like O.I.

So the axis, all I tell you is that in the materials, the father of the last President should pass under the name of Poroshenko herself, and not Valtsman. Surely, lovers of rahuvati percentage of "wrong" blood say that the name of the wines could be remembered earlier. Really, moment. Ale nationality - no. The nationality of the gromads of the SRSR was assigned to the passport at the time they acquired them: for the choice of the hulk himself, youmu was assigned the nationality of either a father, or a mother - for all life. The onset of change was allowed only in order to correct pardons in documents.

https://scontent-ams3-1.xx.fbcdn.net/hphotos-xfa1/v/t1.0-9/10702160_1529327980617328_8409886724272408528_n.jpg?oh=09b9e2dcc674f06bef804b566cf86528AC&oe=56D37AC

In the photo - the card of the prisoner Poroshenko Oleksiy Ivanovich, Ukraine, 06/11/1936 the birth of the people. And I have pleased the critics of the President to be swayed by yogo links with so many malicious groupings of Savlokhov and to look around for Poroshenko’s business in Moldova, and to say the nationality of the great-grandmother.

http://infokava.com/

The son of an accountant and an engineer, a Soviet businessman, a "chocolate oligarch", a politician, the President of Ukraine - the life path of Petro Alekseevich Poroshenko, a controversial political figure, raises many questions among the inhabitants of the post-Soviet space ..

Childhood and family

Petro Poroshenko was born on September 26, 1965 in the town of Bolgrad, Odessa region, in the family of an agricultural machinery specialist Alexei Ivanovich and an accountant Evgenia Sergeevna Poroshenko. Familiar families remembered Petya as a short, polite and sympathetic child who was very fond of sweets. The family did not live in poverty, while the father kept his sons, as they say, in an iron fist.

Some sources claim that real name Poroshenko's father - Valtsman. Allegedly, Alexey disowned his Jewish surname and took the surname of his wife in order to ensure unhindered career growth.

Peter had an 8-year-old brother Mikhail, one of the founders of the Ukrprominvest enterprise, who died in August 1997 at mysterious circumstances. A variety of versions appeared in the press: from a banal accident to contract killings.

When Peter was 9 years old, the family moved to Bendery (Transnistria). At the local school, the boy was not an excellent student, but he studied well. Best of all, he was given mathematics and French - because of this, classmates for fun changed his name into the French manner and called him Pierre until graduation.

Education of Petro Poroshenko

In the senior class, the young man chose for a long time between the career of a diplomat and the profession of a sailor. As a result, he entered two universities at once: MGIMO and Kyiv State University. Shevchenko (Faculty of International Relations and Law), preferring the latter. Interestingly, at the university he met and became friends with Mikheil Saakashvili. He was fond of freestyle wrestling and judo, earned the title of master of sports.

In 1984, a third-year student was forced to join the army. Petro Poroshenko served in Aktyubinsk. In 1987, he returned "to civilian life", where his beloved Marina was waiting for him, and returned to the university, which he successfully graduated in 1989 with a degree in international economics. In 1989-1992, he was a postgraduate student and assisted at the Department of International Relations along the way.

Closing the topic of education, we note that in 2002 he defended his Ph.D. on the topic "Legal regulation of the management of state corporate rights in Ukraine."

Business of Petro Poroshenko

Peter showed interest in business as a student. In the late 80s, together with classmates, he created a cooperative specializing in the sale of cocoa beans. Some of Poroshenko's classmates claim that Peter's first venture was video rental, which provided super-profits thanks to video cassettes with the latest Hollywood movies. Many of them remember how, in his fifth year, Peter became the owner of the Volga - a student with a personal car seemed incredible at that time.

The proceeds from the sale of cocoa allowed him to buy up a number of confectionery enterprises close to bankruptcy, later merged into the ROSHEN concern, today known as the largest producer of sweets in Ukraine. The name was invented by the wife of the entrepreneur: “Po-Roshen-Ko”. Ironically, Poroshenko himself does not eat his products - he has diabetes.

From 1993 to 1998, Poroshenko served as General Director of the Ukrprominvest Concern, concurrently was the head of the Leninskaya Kuznya Plant OJSC, chaired the board of the Mriya Bank and was a member of the Supervisory Board of the Vinnytsia Confectionery Factory.

Having become the “chocolate king” of Ukraine, Poroshenko began to invest in the domestic auto industry, including the Lutsk Automobile Plant and the Bogdan holding. He also owns Channel Five (the third most popular channel on Ukrainian television) and the shipyard Leninskaya Kuznya. In 2017, his fortune was estimated at $858 million.

Poroshenko's political career

In 1998, Poroshenko received a deputy mandate from the United Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (SDPUo). After dedicating two years to the faction, Poroshenko left, realizing that Viktor Medvedchuk and Hryhoriy Surkis held the leading positions in the party, and not, as was supposed, his supporters Leonid Kravchuk and Vasily Onopenko. After leaving the SDPU, he founded his own party "Solidarity".

In 2002, Petro Poroshenko became a member of the Our Ukraine faction. Subsequently, he led election campaign Viktor Yushchenko. By the way, Poroshenko and Yushchenko are connected not only by politics, but also by strong friendship - they are godfathers. Peter took an active part in the development of the Orange Revolution, being one of its main financial guarantors. During this period, responding to Yushchenko's proposal to divide the business and political activity, he transferred the formal management of Ukrprominvest to his father.

In 2005, he was secretary of the National Security Council, but resigned due to scandalous events. He and his team, namely Nikolai Martynenko, Alexander Tretyakov and David Zhvania, were accused of corruption and propaganda of personal interests.

In 2006, Poroshenko held leadership position in the committee decisive questions banking and financial activities. In 2007, he took the leading post of Chairman of the Council of the National Bank of Ukraine. In October 2009, Petr became the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine, having worked in this position for a year. On March 23, 2012, President Viktor Yanukovych entrusted Poroshenko with the post of Minister of Economy and Trade of Ukraine.

Poroshenko, a supporter of Ukraine's European integration, became an active participant in the events of the Maidan (2013-2014), helped the revolutionaries with money, interacted with Vitali Klitschko, and then sponsored the reconstruction of the Maidan after armed clashes.

President of Ukraine

After the overthrow of Viktor Yanukovych, extraordinary presidential elections were held in Ukraine. On May 25, 2014, Ukrainians had to vote for one of 23 candidates, among which were Yulia Tymoshenko (Fatherland), Oleg Lyashko (Radical Party), Anatoly Gritsenko (Civil Position), Serhiy Tigipko ( "Strong Ukraine", Mikhail Dobkin ("Party of Regions") and non-partisan Petro Poroshenko. With a low turnout (59.5%), Petro Poroshenko won with 54.7% of the vote.

The sensational interview of Petro Poroshenko

The presidential inauguration took place on June 7. More than 60 foreign delegations, including 23 heads of other states, took part in the holiday. During his speech, Poroshenko singled out the main points of his activity: to preserve and strengthen Ukraine, return Crimea, ensure the country's membership in the European Union, and also increase the military power of Ukraine.

Personal life of Petro Poroshenko

The first meeting between Poroshenko and his future wife Marina took place at the winter student dances. Marina studied to be a cardiologist. “It was love at first sight,” recalled the First Lady of Ukraine, “but we started dating only in the summer. All my friends left, and we went on a picnic together, and then he volunteered to walk me home.”

The president has four children: the elder Alyosha (1985), twins Zhenya and Sasha (2000) and the younger Mikhail (2001). Marina devoted her whole life to her family and caring for loved ones, while feeling the support of her husband. AT family life Petro Poroshenko is an undeniable leader, whose word is the law for every member of the family.

In September 2013, Alexei Poroshenko married 28-year-old Russian Yulia Alikhanova. In 2014, Petro Poroshenko became not only president, but also a grandfather.

In his free time, Poroshenko plays tennis, reads a lot, in particular, English-language literature. He also considers himself an ardent admirer of painting: he loves the works of the impressionist Claude Monet and collects paintings by Aivazovsky.

Petro Poroshenko now

Despite confident steps towards European integration (in 2017, Ukrainians received the long-awaited visa-free regime with the European Union), opinion polls show that less than half of Ukrainians approve of Poroshenko's activities.

Poroshenko congratulated Ukrainians on visa-free travel

On June 20, 2017, Poroshenko met with US President Donald Trump at the White House.

According to Poroshenko, in the autumn of 2017, three main issues should be on the agenda of the Verkhovna Rada: educational, pension and medical reforms.

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Is it possible to prove that Poroshenko is not Valtsman and not a Jew?

Can. Let's start in order.

His name is Peter Alekseevich. Pure Slavic names. More Russian names are hard to imagine. Which side to attract the Jews here? Slavs-anti-Semites will say, well, so he changed once Jewish name into Russian. But even the anti-Semites did not come up with a Jewish name. Mind was not enough to be consistent, if supposedly Valtsman, then the original Jewish name should be, for example, Israel Solomonovich.

Even if Jews give Russian names to their children, then not just any, but, as a rule, those of Jewish origin, but spread among Russians. For example, Michael, Daniel, Matthew, Joseph, etc. - all these names you can meet in the "Old Testament", which is recognized by the Jews. Peter, on the other hand, is a name of Greek origin, found in the “New Testament”, which the Jews, on the contrary, reject, especially since Peter is the apostle of Christ, for the Jews “the enemy of the people”, a traitor, a goy.

The name of Petro Poroshenko's father is Alexey Ivanovich. Even more Russian than his son, the president. To admit that he is a Jew is simply the height of idiocy. Maybe he was also renamed from a Jewish name to a Russian one? Again, even anti-Semites do not put forward such a version. There is nothing to refute. He is credited with being a Jew, Valtsman, but took the name of Poroshenko's wife. But that his name was different, in Hebrew, is not attributed. There is nothing to refute.

On the other hand, it is known from court documents from 1986 that he Ukrainian and that Poroshenko, not Valtsman.

And everywhere it is indicated that by nationality - Ukrainian, by name - Poroshenko.

For example, from the prisoner's card at the last link (nationality is indicated in the 8th paragraph):

And these are documents of the Soviet COURT and not a kindergarten.

But, the Slavs will say - so, maybe the father of the father was a Jew Valtsman?

And here is a bummer. Peter Poroshenko's father's name was Aleksey Ivanovich. Accordingly, grandfather - Ivan. Typical "Jewish" name! And the patronymic?

On Wikipedia, an article about Alexei Ivanovich Poroshenko indicates who his father is:

Evdokimovich. Evdokim - old typical Russian name. Why not a Jew?!

Is there evidence that he is not a Jew? There is! On the Russian website “Feat of the People” there is a document on awarding him the medal “For Military Merit”. Here is the link https://clck.ru/EGg2X

Poroshenko Ivan Evdokimovich born in 1902 UKRAINIAN

Here is a fragment of the document:

Archive: TsAMO
Fund: 33
Description: 744808
Storage unit: 1677
Record No. 82445545

No Waltzmans and no Jews have existed since at least 1945. There is a Ukrainian, that is, a Slav Poroshenko. Father of Petro Poroshenko's father. His son was then 9 years old. He would not have had time to get married and allegedly take the name of his wife allegedly Poroshenko. He is already Poroshenko at the age of 9.

By the way, what kind of wife to Alexei Ivanovich? The Slavs lie that she is Poroshenko. But, all sources indicate her maiden name Grigorchuk Evgenia Sergeevna (1937-2004).

Again, not only the surname, but even the name is by no means Jewish. Neither Eugene nor Sergei has anything to do with the Jews. Purely Russian names.

Her father is GRIGORCHUK Sergey Ilyich, Mother Grigorchuk (Lazarenko) Evdokia Alekseevna. Every single name is purely Russian traditional.

But, in general, the details of the mother do not matter, because the Slavs attribute Jewishness to their father and lie that it is he who is not Poroshenko, but Valtsman.