Christianity came to Finland

Christianity entered Finland about 1100 years ago, at about the same time from the west and east, resulting in the official status of both the Evangelical Lutheran and Orthodox religions. 86% of the population belongs to the first and 1% - to the second. Freedom of conscience is guaranteed by the Constitution of the country.

Finland was included in the sphere of influence of the Swedish crown as a result of several crusades to the east in the 12th and 13th centuries. It received the status of a duchy within the Kingdom of Sweden in the 16th century.

As a result of the Russian-Swedish war of 1808-9. Finland became part of Russia as a Grand Duchy. The legislation of the Swedish period was preserved in the country, its own monetary unit was introduced, a postal service was established and a railway was built.

Helsinki became the capital in 1812 (in place of Turku). Swedish remained the official language, and since 1863, along with it, Finnish.

After the collapse of the Russian Empire, Finland declared independence on December 6, 1917, which led to a civil war. In 1919, the current Constitution was adopted, according to which Finland is a Western democracy with a market economy.

At the end of the thirties, the USSR presented Finland with an ultimatum demand for the transfer of territories, with the aim of guaranteeing the security of Leningrad, but Finland rejected it. This led to the so-called. "winter war" 1939-40. As a result of World War II, Finland was forced to transfer vast areas of Finnish Karelia to the USSR. In addition, Finland paid reparations in the amount of US$500 million (at current exchange rates).

FINLAND IN THE SECOND WORLD WAR

Winter War, 11/30/1939 - 3/13/1940

The first stage of the Russian-Finnish war was the so-called "Winter War" from November 30, 1939 to March 13, 1940, which began after Finland refused to accept the conditions of the Soviet Union on the transfer of areas of Finnish territory along the southeastern border. What really decided the fate of this conflict was the Molotov-Ribbentrop treaty. The speech of Prime Minister A. Cajander on November 23, 1939 quite clearly shows the Finnish point of view on this matter. The Soviet Union attacked Finland on November 30, 1939 at 06.50 - without declaring war (attacks from the ground along the border and air bombardments of Finnish cities). The government was replaced with a puppet regime called the "Terijoki government". Finnish Foreign Minister Weinz Tanner spoke to American listeners on the radio after the December 3, 1939 attack in a radio broadcast.

The Soviet detachments initially advanced far deep into the territories of Finland (except for Karelia, where Finland had an organized line of defense, the so-called "Mannerheim Line". The Finns resist stubbornly. In one of the battles, several units of the Soviet troops were destroyed, their equipment was captured. The locals helped a lot inhabitants who confidently operated in small groups in the forests.After Finland withstood the first attacks, the Soviet Union replaced the commanders leading the attack, as well as battle tactics.Since the Soviet Union had absolute superiority in aviation, artillery and manpower, gradually protection on the Karelian Isthmus weakened, which forced the Finns to retreat to spare lines.

Finland was only able to hold the front while the peace talks resumed. As it became obvious that outside aid would not be coming, Finland was forced to accept harsh peace terms dictated by the Soviet Union. As a result, Finland lost a tenth of its territory, but retained its independence. This campaign ended on March 13, 1940.

The Winter War may have contributed to the German attack against the Soviet Union, giving a false impression of Soviet military power.

Continuation War, 25/6/1941 - 4/9/1944

The second war is called the "Continuation War" - in which the Finns fought on the German side from June 25, 1941 to September 4, 1944. There are several reasons for this war - all of them are disputed in Finland, since there are several theories on this account. The main reasons were the "Winter War" (the Finns hoped for the return of lost areas), distrust of Soviet intentions, and the belief that Germany could win this war. It is unlikely that the Finns had a real choice (but this is history) after what happened earlier and what happened during the second world war.

When Germany attacked the Soviet Union, Finnish troops joined the German troops to organize attacks in the North with the aim of capturing Murmansk. Finland did not declare war on the Soviet Union and did not start hostilities until the Soviet Union began to bomb Finnish territory (cities) on the morning of June 25, 1941. As a result, the Finnish Prime Minister, Rangell, declared and was supported by parliament that Finland was now at war with Soviet Union. Finland then joined the 30 June attack to capture areas previously annexed to the Soviet Union in the Winter War and was able to achieve that goal in the first stage of the war. In some areas, Finnish detachments crossed the border with the USSR in winter to gain an advantage and take up geographically advantageous positions (waterways, lakes, etc.).

However, the Finns refused to participate in the blockade of Leningrad. The so-called attack stage of the Continuation War continued until the end of 1941. In early 1944 it became apparent that Germany had lost the war and Finland and the Soviet Union had some contacts regarding ending the war, but no agreement was reached. The Soviet Union tried to "persuade" Finland with the so-called "Peace Bombings" - in February 1944, the city of Helsinki was bombed. The bombings failed, thanks to a reliable defense and anti-aircraft complex. The Soviet Union tried by all means to restore the situation on the Karelian Isthmus - June 9, 1944 (this was calculated to accompany the Allied attack on Normandy). A massive attack was able to break the Finnish defense at Valkeasaari on June 10, and the front retreated quickly to the secondary defense line (Vammelsuu-Taipale-line).

The fight was fierce. Soviet tanks and infantry, supported by massive artillery, and bombers fired on the Finnish defenders. As the fighting continued, the VT-line was broken at Sahakyla and Kuuterselka 14.644 and after the main counter attack at Kuuterselka by the Finnish branch failed, the defense was forced to retreat again. The main loss during this period was the capture of the city of Viipuri by the Soviets on 20 June. Finnish detachments were able to stop the Soviet attack on the Tali-Ihantala region, where the heaviest took place from 25 June to 6 July. By this time, the Finnish army had enough artillery and detachments equipped with new German anti-tank weapons and was capable. Soviet losses in tank and human resources were quite large.

At the same time, the Soviets were trying to bypass the Finnish defenses by crossing the Viipurinlahti (bay) through a chain of islands. This attack began on July 4th and was a fierce landing battle that lasted until July 10th. The third main attempt by the Soviets began on July 4, at the Vuosalmi (crossing the Vuoksi river), however, the troops did not go further than the coast as they were fired upon by Finnish artillery along with Finnish air force and German aircraft bombarders. Finnish infantry also participated in the operation.

The Soviets stopped their attacks on 11 July and began to reorganize the troops on the Karelian Isthmus. At the end of the summer the front was stabilized, but Finland saw that peace with the Soviet Union was the only way to avoid accusations of collusion with the Germans. The truce with the Soviet Union began officially at 07:00 - September 4, 1944, although Soviet forces continued to fire until 07:00 the next morning. The provisional peace between the Soviet Union and Finland was ratified in Moscow on September 19, 1944, and the final peace agreement was signed in Paris on February 10, 1948. As a result, Finland was forced to pay huge payments to the Soviet Union.

Lapland War, 27.9.1944 - 27.4.1945

The third war is called the "Lapland War" and was the fight against Germany after the armistice with the Soviet Union. Finland did not really want to fight the Germans, but under the pressure of the Allies (mainly the Soviet Union) was forced to enter into a real fight with the Germans until April 27, 1945.

The psychology of war in the twentieth century. The historical experience of Russia [Full version with applications and illustrations] Senyavskaya Elena Spartakovna

Finns in World War II

Finns in World War II

The Soviet-Finnish military confrontation is a very fertile material for studying the formation of the image of the enemy. There are several reasons for this. First of all, any phenomena are best known in comparison. Opportunities for comparison in this case are opened by the very development of the Soviet-Finnish conflict, its historical division into two unequal parts.

First - the so-called "winter" war (1939-1940) - a clash of a huge power with a small neighboring country in order to solve its geopolitical problems. The course and outcome of this war is known. With disproportionately large sacrifices, the USSR managed to force Finland to give up part of the strategically and economically important territories. The international resonance of this conflict is also known: begun in the context of the unfolding World War II, it evoked associations with German invasions of Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland and led to the exclusion of the USSR from the League of Nations as an aggressor. All this was supposed to affect the mutual perception of the direct participants in the hostilities on both sides. For the Finns, this was, of course, a just war, and they fought with great patriotic enthusiasm, fiercely and skillfully, especially since the battles took place on their territory. For the Soviet soldiers, the command had to justify why the "big" should offend the "small". Here's what the rationale looked like.

In his speech on the radio on November 29, 1939, Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the USSR V. M. Molotov stated: “The hostile policy of the current government of Finland towards our country forces us to take immediate measures to ensure external state security ... Entangled in our anti-Soviet ties with the imperialists, [ it] does not want to maintain normal relations with the Soviet Union ... and to reckon with the demands of the non-aggression pact concluded between our countries, wanting to keep our glorious Leningrad under military threat. From such a government and its reckless military, one can now only expect new brazen provocations. Therefore, the Soviet government was forced to declare yesterday that from now on it considers itself free from the obligations assumed by virtue of the non-aggression pact concluded between the USSR and Finland and irresponsibly violated by the government of Finland.

At the same time, the Finnish side also ideologically justified its participation in this war, which was reflected in the order of the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of Finland G. Mannerheim on the start of hostilities against the USSR: “Valiant soldiers of Finland! .. Our centuries-old enemy again attacked our country ... This war is nothing but the continuation of the war of liberation and its last action. We are fighting for our home, for faith and for the Fatherland.”

Of course, ordinary participants in the battles on both sides did not think in terms of formulas of government directives and orders from the command, but the latter, of course, left their mark on the everyday perception of the enemy. Although ideological layers are present in both cited documents, the formula of Mannerheim's order that the Finns fight for their home and for their Fatherland was nevertheless closer to the truth and understanding of the Finnish soldier than the strained formulations about the threat to the huge USSR from the side of a small neighbor.

Second phase Soviet-Finnish conflict is fundamentally different. Speaking on the side of German fascism that attacked the USSR, Finland itself turned into an aggressor. Of course, she is again trying to present her participation in this war as fair, as an attempt to return the seized lands. In the order of the same Mannerheim in June 1941, the USSR is accused of being an aggressor, the sincerity and permanence of the peace concluded after the "winter" war, which "was only a truce", is called into question, and calls for the Finns to go "on a crusade against the enemy in order to ensure Finland a secure future. However, the same order contains a hint of this future - to Great Finland right up to the Ural Mountains, although here only Karelia is the object of claims so far. “Follow me for the last time,” Mannerheim urges, “now that the people of Karelia are rising again and a new dawn is dawning for Finland.” And in the July order, he already directly states: "Free Karelia and Great Finland shimmer before us in a huge whirlpool of world-historical events."

Therefore, the statement of Professor of the University of Helsinki Jukka Nevakivi that “if it were not for the“ winter ”war, in which we lost a tenth of the territory, Finland, perhaps, would not have become an ally of Hitler in the forty-first, preferring the neutrality of“ Swedish option." The Finnish army moved that summer only to take what was taken away.”

Although there is some truth in his assessment: having unleashed hostilities against the sovereign neighbor on November 30, 1939 and won a Pyrrhic victory over him at the cost of huge losses, the Stalinist leadership thereby predetermined its position in the coming big war, turning a probable or even unlikely enemy into an inevitable one. Not a single insult to the national pride of another people can go unpunished. And Finland rushed at the recent offender, not caring too much about the dubious company she ended up in.

However, the case was not limited to the “return of the selected”. Having reached the old Soviet-Finnish border, the Finnish army, without hesitation, moved on, occupying territories that had not previously belonged to it. Finnish propaganda claimed that Jaanislinna (Petrozavodsk), and then Pietari (Leningrad) would belong to Finland, that Great Finland would stretch east to the Urals, "over its entire historical territory." Although - there is such evidence - the Finns really fought more willingly on those lands that were lost by them in 1940.

The official attitudes of the Finnish leadership about the fairness of their participation in the war were fully consistent with the public atmosphere. Here is how the former Finnish officer I. Virolainen recalls the mood of the Finnish public in connection with the start of the war against the USSR: edge to edge lost their minds ... Rarely anyone even wanted to listen to any arguments: Hitler started the war and was already right about this. Now the neighbor will feel the same thing that we felt in the autumn of 1939 and in the winter of 1940 ... In June 1941, the mood in the country was so enthusiastic and stormy that whatever the government, it would be very difficult for him to keep the country from war " .

However, now the Soviet people felt like a victim of aggression, including from Finland, which entered into a coalition with Nazi Germany. The Great and Patriotic War of 1941-1945 was for Soviet soldiers, regardless of which front and against which specific enemy they fought. It could be Germans, Romanians, Hungarians, Italians, Finns - the essence of the war did not change from this: the Soviet soldier fought for his native land.

Finnish troops participated in this war on the front, which the Soviet side called Karelian. It ran along the entire Soviet-Finnish border, that is, the battlefields largely coincided with the theater of operations of the "winter" war, the experience of which was used by both sides in the new conditions. But German units also fought on the same front next to the Finns, and, according to many testimonies, the combat capability of the Finnish units, as a rule, was much higher. This is explained both by the psychological factors already cited (the assessment of the war as fair, patriotic upsurge, inspiration, desire for revenge, etc.), and by the fact that most of the personnel of the Finnish army had combat experience, tolerated the northern climate well, knew the specific features terrain. It is characteristic that the Soviet fighters on the Karelian front rated the Finns as an enemy much higher than the Germans, treated them "more respectfully". Thus, cases of capturing the Germans were not uncommon, while the capture of a Finn was considered a whole event. Some features of Finnish tactics can also be noted with the widespread use of snipers, deep raids into the Soviet rear of ski sabotage groups, etc. On the Soviet side, the experience of the Winter War could be used less, since its participants were mainly among the personnel of the command staff, as well as army of natives.

Such is the general historical, eventual and socio-psychological background of the mutual perception of opponents in two interrelated wars, which, although considered independent, in reality represent episodes of a single World War II in the North European theater of operations.

For three years, fighting continued in the North between Soviet and Finnish troops - until September 1944, when Finland withdrew from the war, concluding a truce with the USSR and Great Britain and declaring war on its former ally - Germany. This event was preceded by major successes of the Soviet troops along the entire Soviet-German front, including the offensive on the Karelian front in June-August 1944, as a result of which they reached the state border, and the Finnish government turned to the Soviet Union with a proposal to start negotiations.

It is to this period, associated with the offensive of the Soviet troops and Finland's withdrawal from the war, that the documents we discovered from the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense belong.

The first of them contains data from Soviet intelligence about the mood in the Finnish army in July 1944, as well as excerpts from the testimony of a prisoner of war, Captain Eikki Laitinen. The second tells about the circumstances of his capture and interrogation, but not in the dry style of a military report, but in the bright language of a newspaper essay, the author of which is the Soviet captain Zinovy ​​Burd. These documents provide us with a unique opportunity to look at the same event through the eyes of two opponents who fought on the same sector of the front in the same military rank and met in a fight face to face.

The first document is characterized by both aspects of interest to us: both the self-assessment of the Finnish side, and the conclusions of the Soviet command on this basis about the moral and psychological state of the Finnish troops shortly before Finland's withdrawal from the war (June-July 1944). By this time, the mood of the Finns had clearly changed, as evidenced by the soldiers' letters. The turning point in the war, retreats, including in the Soviet-Finnish sectors of the front, clearly influenced the mood in the troops. However, the Soviet colonel who analyzed the documents concludes that “the morale of the Finnish troops has not yet been broken, many continue to believe in the victory of Finland. The fear that the Russians are, they say, barbarians, who seek the physical destruction of the Finnish people and their enslavement, also contributes to the preservation of combat readiness.

These fears are evidenced by an excerpt from a letter from an unknown Finnish soldier: “... Most of all I am afraid of falling into the hands of the Russians. It would be equal to death. After all, they first mock their victims, who then face certain death. It is interesting that among the Soviet fighters there was also a widespread opinion about the particular cruelty of the Finns, so being captured by them was considered even worse than by the Germans. In particular, the facts of the destruction of Soviet military hospitals by Finnish sabotage groups along with the wounded and medical personnel were well known.

The Finns were also characterized by a differentiated attitude towards the civilian population of the territories they occupied along ethnic lines: there were widespread cases of cruel treatment of Russians and a very loyal attitude towards the Karelians. According to the regulation of the Finnish occupation military administration of East Karelia on concentration camps dated May 31, 1942, they were supposed to contain, first of all, persons “belonging to the non-national population and living in those areas where their stay during hostilities is undesirable”, and perishing then all politically unreliable. So, in Petrozavodsk, according to the memoirs of the former juvenile prisoner M. Kalinkin, “there were six camps for the civilian Russian population brought here from the regions of Karelia and the Leningrad Region, as well as from the front line. Whereas representatives of the Finno-Ugric peoples remained at large during these years. At the same time, Finns, Karelians and Estonians were classified as persons of Finnish nationality (suomenheimot), and all the rest were considered non-indigenous peoples (veratheimot). In the occupied territory, local residents were issued Finnish passports or a residence permit - a single form, but different colors, depending on nationality. Active work was carried out on the Finization of the indigenous population, while it was emphasized in every possible way that the Russian population in Karelia has no roots and does not have the right to live on its territory.

A feature of Finnish psychology was a great attachment to their native places. This also affected the nature of the hostilities. So, the captured captain Eikki Laitinen testified: “... When our regiment retreated from the Malitsky Isthmus, the soldiers went into battle with less desire than now, because for the Finnish soldier East Karelia is less important than its own territory. On the territory of Eastern Karelia, soldiers entered the battle only on orders. Near the village of Suojärvi, when we had already passed our old borders, the soldiers of my company sent a delegation to me with a request to stop the offensive. This is understandable, since a large number of the soldiers of my company are natives of the regions of Lake Ladoga, who wanted to defend their native places. About a week ago, two soldiers deserted from my company, but after a few days they returned and reported that they wanted to atone for their guilt in battle. I didn't punish them."

Of interest are the biographical data of this Finnish officer, a participant in both wars, who was awarded two crosses, the first of which he received back on the Karelian Isthmus in 1940 for "valiant defense", and the second in 1942 for "valiant offensive". This information is given in the article by Z. Burd, which also mentions the wife of the captured captain - a military doctor, a member of the Shutskor organization Lotta-Svärd, who was also awarded two crosses.

Therefore, one can trust the testimonies of this officer, who with dignity kept under interrogation, when he talks about the influence of the "winter" war on the attitude of the Finns not only towards the eastern neighbor, but also towards the idea of ​​socialism in general. “The opinion of Finns about the USSR, about socialism, communism has changed a lot over the past 10 years,” he says. - I am sure that if 10 years ago the soldiers of my company had to fight against the Red Army, they would all have defected to your side. The reason that their views have now changed is the events of 39-40, when the Russians started a war against Finland, as well as the occupation of the Baltic countries by the Russians, by which they proved their desire to enslave small peoples ... "

Soviet propaganda, as a rule, sought to paint an extremely unsightly image of the Finnish enemy. Even on the basis of the materials of the interrogation of Captain E. Laitinen, partially described above, judging by which, he proved himself to be a respected prisoner officer, in the Red Army newspaper "Battle Way" in an article entitled "Lapland Crusader", the front-line correspondent depicted him caricatured and evil. “Thrice despicable Lapland crusader”, “hardened enemy of the Soviet Union”, “White Finnish occupier”, “staunch fascist”, “shutskorovets”, “hater of everything Russian, Soviet” - he was awarded with such epithets, and even the word “shutskor” - then there is a name for the Finnish detachments of territorial troops - they were perceived as a curse among them. However, the Finns in their propaganda were also not shy in expressions, speaking about the USSR, the Bolsheviks, the Red Army and Russians in general. In everyday life, the disparaging nickname "Russi" was common (something like our "fritz" in relation to the Germans). But this is not surprising: for wartime, harsh statements against the enemy are the norm of behavior, justified not only ideologically, but also psychologically.

It should be noted that in general, in the public consciousness of the Soviet side, the Finns were perceived as a secondary enemy, not particularly distinguished from other members of the Nazi coalition, while on the Karelian front, in areas of direct contact with them, they acted as the main and very dangerous enemy, by its fighting qualities, pushing even the Germans into the background. All other allies of Germany could not boast of respect for themselves from the enemy: neither the Hungarians, nor the Romanians, nor the Italians, whom the Soviet troops had to face, were not distinguished by special valor and were, by all accounts, rather flimsy warriors.

According to Yu. P. Sharapov, a veteran of the Karelian Front, at the end of July 1944, when our troops reached the state border and crossed it, deepening into Finnish territory up to 25 km, they received a cipher from the General Staff with an order to return immediately, since they had already negotiations began on Finland's withdrawal from the war. But they had to fight their way back with stubborn battles, since the Finns were not going to let them out. Comparing this situation with the situation on other fronts, the course of the liberation mission and the subsequent planting of socialism in the countries of Eastern Europe, Yu. P. Sharapov notes: “We, those who fought in the North, treated this differently. As soon as the cipher arrived not to let us into Finland, we immediately realized that the matter smelled of kerosene, that there was nothing for us to do there, because there would be a war all the way to Helsinki. Well, if they [fight] in the forest, and it was necessary to shoot in the back of the head so that the Finn would stop shooting because of this boulder, then you can imagine [what would happen] when we walked [further] and walked another 240 kilometers. Here, both Stalin and his entourage understood that there was no need to get involved with anyone, but with the Finns. These are not Germans, not Romanians, not Bulgarians and not Poles…”

Among all the satellites of Germany, perhaps only Finland had an element of justice to participate in the war against the USSR, which, however, was completely blocked by its aggressive plans. Interestingly, the motivation for entering the war and leaving it was almost the opposite. In 1941, Mannerheim inspired the Finns with plans to create a Greater Finland and swore that he would not sheathe his sword until he reached the Urals, and in September 1944 he justified himself before Hitler because he “could no longer afford such bloodshed, which subjected the continued existence of little Finland would be in danger” and would doom its four million people to extinction. The delusions of grandeur have passed. And the cure for this disease was our successful offensive, which pushed the Finns back to their pre-war borders.

author von Senger Harro

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From June 25, 1941, Finland was at war with the USSR and from December 5, 1941 with Great Britain. Accordingly, it during 1941 - 1944. was a military ally of Germany. In connection with the defeats of the German army in 1943 on the Eastern Front and the active preparation of the troops of Great Britain and the United States for landing in Western Europe, since the spring of 1944, Finland began to look for ways to conclude a truce with its opponents - the USSR and Great Britain. As a result, in September 1944, Finland not only signed a truce, but also began limited military operations against the German army on its territory.

Already in 1943, Germany assumed that Finland would go over to the side of the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition. In the winter of 1943 - 1944 German troops in northern Finland prepared routes and plans for a retreat to Norway.

On September 3, 1944, the Finnish command ordered its troops to start deploying to start hostilities against the German troops in Finland.

On September 4, units of the 26th army and 18th mountain corps of the Wehrmacht began to withdraw from Finnish territory to Norway. Together with them, but only to Sweden, 56,500 Finns were evacuated, fearing the entry of the Red Army into the hinterland of Finland. Refugees brought 30,000 heads of cattle to Sweden.

Finnish refugees steal cattle to Sweden. Rovaniemi, September 1944

On September 11, the German and Finnish command agreed on the peaceful nature of the withdrawal of German troops from Finland according to the plan outlined in the negotiations and on the transport provided by the Finnish side.

The German command, contrary to agreements with the Finnish side, tried to maintain its positions in Finland by force.

On September 15, German troops (2,700 people led by Captain 2nd Rank Karl Konrad Mekke ( Karl Conrad Mecke)) tried to take possession of the island of Gogland in the Gulf of Finland. Finnish garrison (1612 men led by Lieutenant Colonel Martti Miettinen ( Martti Juho Miettinen), 42 guns, 6 heavy mortars and 24 machine guns) not only repulsed the attack of the German landing, but forced him to surrender. The loss of the Finnish troops - 37 killed, 15 missing and 68 wounded. Losses of the German troops - 155 killed and 1231 captured. The German landing flotilla (40 ships) lost 9 ships. The attempt to capture the island of Hogland caused a wave of anti-German sentiment in Finland.

On the same day, Finland declared war on Germany. This was determined not only by the attack of German troops on the Finnish garrison of Gogland Island, but also by the terms of the armistice with the USSR, which was confirmed by the 2nd paragraph of the Moscow Peace Treaty of September 19, 1944, according to which Finland undertook to disarm the German ground, sea and air armed forces remaining in Finland after September 15, 1944, and transfer their personnel to the USSR as prisoners of war. The implementation of this paragraph logically led Finland to the start of hostilities against Germany, which began at the end of September 1944. In Finland, this military campaign was called the "Lapland War" ( Lapin sota).

The Finnish grouping of troops (60,000 people) in Lapland was led by Lieutenant General Hjalmar Fridolf Siilasvuo ( Hjalmar Fridolf Siilasvuo). She was opposed by German troops (213,000 people) under the command of Colonel General Lothar Rendulich ( Lothar Rendulic)

On September 28, near the town of Pudasjärvi, the Finnish battalion tried to capture the bridge over the Olhavanioki River, but the German sappers resisted and blew up the crossing. During the battle, two Wehrmacht soldiers were killed, and two were captured. The Finns lost five people killed.

On October 1, 1944, Finnish troops (12,500 people) landed in the port of Tornio on the Swedish-Finnish border.

October 2 German troops (7000 people, 11 captured French tanks Somua S35) attacked the positions of the Finnish troops in the vicinity of Tornio. The Finns retreated, but captured 30 Wehrmacht soldiers.

wrecked tanks Somua S35 near Tornio. October 1944

On October 3, the German Air Force bombarded the port of Tornio. Losses of the Finnish troops - 2 ships, 3 killed and 20 wounded. The German command ordered the capture of 262 hostages from among the local residents and demanded their exchange for 30 German prisoners of war captured by the Finns on October 2.

On October 4, the German Air Force bombarded Tornio. Losses of Finnish troops - 60 killed and 400 wounded.

Finnish infantry near Tornio. October 1944

On October 4 - 8, German troops unsuccessfully attacked Tornio. Losses of German troops - 600 killed and 337 captured. Losses of Finnish troops - 376 killed.

The city of Rovaniemi after the departure of the German troops. October 1944

On October 13, the German command issues an order according to which, during the retreat, the German troops must use the scorched earth tactics, destroying cities and villages, blowing up bridges and railways.

On October 17, Finnish troops entered Rovaniemi.
On October 26 - 30, the Finnish 11th Infantry Regiment carried out a series of attacks against the SS Mountain Rifle Regiment Reinhard Heydrich near the village of Munio, after which the latter retreated. Losses of Finnish troops - 63 killed. Losses of German troops - 350 killed.

At the end of October 1944, Finland began to demobilize its army. 12,000 Finnish soldiers and officers remained in Lapland with 800 machine guns, 100 mortars and 160 artillery pieces. They did not conduct active hostilities against the German troops, who gradually retreated to Norway.

During the period of hostilities from September 1944 to April 1945, Finnish troops lost 774 people killed, 262 were missing and 3,000 were wounded. German troops lost 950 killed, 2,000 wounded and 1,300 captured.

Ahto S. Aseveljet vastakkain. Lapin sota 1944 - 1945. Helsinki, 1980.

The withdrawal of Soviet troops to the state border with Finland meant the final failure of the aggressive plans of the Finnish reaction, imbued with hatred for the Soviet Union. Having suffered a defeat at the front, the Finnish government again faced a choice: either accept the Soviet terms of the armistice and end the war, or continue it and thereby put the country on the brink of disaster. In this regard, as early as June 22, through the Swedish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, it was forced to turn to the Soviet government with a request for peace. The government of the USSR replied that it was waiting for a statement signed by the President and Minister of Foreign Affairs of Finland about their readiness to accept Soviet conditions. However, Finnish President R. Ryti this time again chose the path of maintaining an alliance with Nazi Germany and continuing to participate in the war. On June 26, he signed a declaration in which he gave a personal commitment not to conclude a separate peace with the USSR without the consent of the German government (54) . The next day, Prime Minister E. Linkomies spoke on the radio with a statement about the continuation of the war on the side of Germany.

In making this decision, the Finnish leaders expected to receive help from Hitler in order to stabilize the situation at the front and: to obtain more favorable peace conditions from the Soviet Union. But this step delayed the final defeat of Finland only for a short time. Her position became more and more difficult. The financial system was greatly upset, the public debt by September 1944 had grown to 70 billion Finnish marks (55) . Agriculture fell into decay, the food crisis worsened, and the cost of living increased. Finnish workers insistently demanded an end to the war. Under their pressure, even the reactionary leadership of the central union of trade unions, which until then fully supported the aggression of the fascist bloc against the Soviet Union, was forced to dissociate itself from government policy. Under the influence of the further deterioration of the military-political position of Germany and its satellites, a certain part of the Finnish ruling circles also insisted on Finland's withdrawal from the war. All this forced the country's government to once again turn to the USSR with a request for peace.

In preparation for this step, the rulers of Finland made some changes in leadership. On August 1, Ryti, one of the most ardent supporters of Finnish-German cooperation, resigned. The Seimas elected Marshal K. Mannerheim, Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces, as president. A few days later, a new government was formed, headed by A. Haktsel.

In connection with the change of the Finnish leadership to strengthen cooperation between Germany and the new government on August 17, V. Keitel arrived in Helsinki. However, this voyage did not achieve its goal.

Alarmed by the successful offensive of the Soviet troops, which led to a radical change in the military-political situation in Finland, the Finnish government was forced to establish contact with the Soviet Union (56) . On August 25, the new Finnish government turned to the government of the USSR with a proposal to start negotiations on a truce or peace. On August 29, the Soviet government informed the Finnish government of its agreement to enter into negotiations, provided that Finland breaks relations with Germany and ensures the withdrawal of Nazi troops from its territory within two weeks. Going towards the Finnish side, the Soviet government expressed its readiness to sign a peace treaty with Finland. However, the UK opposed this. Therefore, it was decided to sign an armistice agreement between Finland, on the one hand, and the Soviet Union and Great Britain, on the other (57) .

Having accepted the preconditions for the armistice, on September 4, 1944, the government of Finland announced its break with Nazi Germany. On the same day, the Finnish army ceased hostilities. In turn, from 8.00 on September 5, 1944, the Leningrad and Karelian fronts, by order of the Headquarters of the Supreme High Command, ended military operations against the Finnish troops (58) .

The Finnish government demanded that Germany withdraw its armed forces from Finnish territory by September 15, 1944. But the German command, taking advantage of the connivance of the Finnish authorities, was in no hurry to withdraw its troops not only from Northern, but also from Southern Finland. As the Finnish delegation at the talks in Moscow admitted, by September 14, Germany had evacuated less than half of its troops from Finland. The Finnish government put up with this situation and, in violation of the preconditions it had accepted, not only did not intend to disarm the German troops on its own, but also refused the offer of the Soviet government to help it in this (59) . However, by the will of circumstances, Finland had to be at war with Germany from September 15 (60) . German troops, having provoked hostilities with a former "brother in arms", on the night of September 15, tried to capture the island of Gogland (Sur-Sari). This clash revealed the insidious intentions of the Nazi command and forced the Finns to move on to more decisive action. Finnish troops were assisted by the aviation of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet.

Between September 14 and 19, negotiations were held in Moscow, which were conducted by representatives of the USSR and England, acting on behalf of all the United Nations, on the one hand, and the Finnish government delegation, on the other. During the negotiations, the Finnish delegation sought to drag out the discussion of certain articles of the draft armistice agreement. In particular, she argued that Finland's reparations to the Soviet Union in the amount of 300 million dollars were greatly exaggerated. Regarding this statement, the head of the Soviet delegation, V. M. Molotov, noted that “Finland caused the Soviet Union such damage that only the results of the blockade of Leningrad several times exceed the requirements that Finland must fulfill” (61) .

Despite the difficulties encountered, the negotiations ended on September 19 with the signing of the Armistice Agreement (62) . To control the fulfillment of the terms of the armistice, the Allied Control Commission was established under the chairmanship of General A. A. Zhdanov.

The Finnish side tried in every possible way to delay the implementation of the agreement reached, was in no hurry with the arrest of war criminals and the dissolution of fascist organizations. In the north of Finland, for example, the Finns began military operations against the Nazi troops with a great delay - only on October 1 - and conducted them with insignificant forces. Finland also delayed the disarmament of the German units stationed on its territory. The German command sought to use these units to hold the occupied territory of the Soviet Arctic, especially the region of Petsamo (Pechenga) rich in nickel, and to cover the approaches to Northern Norway. However, the firm position of the Soviet government, with the support of the progressive public in Finland, frustrated the intrigues of the reaction and ensured the implementation of the Armistice Agreement.

The Nazi troops destroyed many settlements, left thousands of people homeless, burned about 16 thousand houses, 125 schools, 165 churches and other public buildings, destroyed 700 large bridges. The damage caused to Finland exceeded 120 million dollars (63) . This is what Germany did with its former ally.

Thanks to the efforts of the Soviet Union and its peaceful foreign policy, Finland was able to get out of the war long before the complete collapse of fascist Germany. The armistice agreement opened a new period in the life of the Finnish people and, as the head of the Finnish delegation at the talks in Moscow stated, not only did it not violate Finland's sovereignty as an independent state (64), but, on the contrary, restored its national independence and independence. This agreement, said Finnish President Urho Kekkonen in 1974, “may be considered a turning point in the history of independent Finland. It marked the beginning of a completely new era, during which the foreign and domestic policy of our country has undergone fundamental changes” (65) .

The truce with the USSR dealt a heavy blow to the reactionary regime that dominated Finland and created a legal basis for the gradual democratization of the country. The communist party emerged from the underground, which by the beginning of 1945 had more than 10,000 members. With her participation, the Democratic Union of the People of Finland was created. “As a result of the favorable conditions for Finland in the Armistice Agreement and later the Peace Treaty, the large economic benefits granted to it and, finally, the return of the Porkkala region,” wrote V. Pessi, General Secretary of the Communist Party of Finland, “our country received all the opportunities for the independent and free development of its economy and culture” (66) .

With the conclusion of the Armistice Agreement, prerequisites appeared for the establishment of new Soviet-Finnish relations. The ideas put forward by the communists to build relations between Finland and the USSR on the basis of friendship were approved and supported by broad sections of the population, and in the first place by the working masses and some leaders from bourgeois circles.

Under the leadership and with the active participation of the Communists, many organizations began their activities in the country, advocating the friendship of Finland with the USSR. The society "Finland - Soviet Union" was recreated. The wide scope of its activities is evidenced by the fact that by the end of 1944 there were 360 ​​of its branches in the country, numbering 70 thousand members (67) .

In the changed domestic and foreign political situation in November 1944, a new government was formed, which for the first time in the history of Finland included representatives of the Communist Party. It was headed by a prominent progressive political and statesman J. Paasikivi. Defining the priorities of his government, Paasikivi declared on Independence Day, December 6, 1944:

“In my opinion, it is in the fundamental interests of our people to conduct a foreign policy in such a way that it is not directed against the Soviet Union. Peace and harmony, as well as good-neighborly relations with the Soviet Union, based on complete trust, are the first principle that should guide our state activities” (68) .

The Soviet Union, true to its Leninist policy of respect for the independence of peoples, provided Finland with not only political, but also military and economic assistance. The Soviet government did not send its troops to its territory. It agreed to reduce reparations, which already only partly repaired the damage done to the Soviet Union. Thus, the Soviet state clearly demonstrated good will and a sincere desire to establish good neighborly relations with Finland, a former ally of Nazi Germany.

As a result of the Vyborg-Petrozavodsk offensive operation, the troops of the Leningrad and Karelian fronts, in cooperation with the Red Banner Baltic Fleet, the Ladoga and Onega military flotillas, broke through the enemy's multi-lane, heavily fortified defenses. Finnish troops suffered a major defeat. Only on the Karelian Isthmus in June they lost 44 thousand people killed and wounded (69). Soviet troops finally cleared the Leningrad region of the invaders, expelled the enemy from the entire territory of the Karelian-Finnish Republic and liberated its capital - Petrozavodsk. The Kirov railway and the White Sea-Baltic Canal were returned to their homeland.

The defeat of the Finnish troops on the Karelian Isthmus and in South Karelia significantly changed the strategic situation on the northern sector of the Soviet-German front: favorable conditions were created for the liberation of the Soviet Arctic and the northern regions of Norway. As a result of the expulsion of the enemy from the coast of the Gulf of Finland from Leningrad to Vyborg, the basing of the Red Banner Baltic Fleet improved. He got the opportunity to conduct active operations in the Gulf of Finland. Subsequently, in accordance with the Armistice Agreement, the ships, using Finnish skerry fairways safe from mines, could go out to perform combat missions in the Baltic Sea.

Fascist Germany lost one of its allies in Europe. German troops were forced to leave the southern and central regions of Finland to the north of the country and further to Norway. The withdrawal of Finland from the war led to a further deterioration in relations between the "Third Reich" and Sweden. Under the influence of the successes of the Soviet Armed Forces, the liberation struggle of the Norwegian people against the Nazi occupiers and their lackeys expanded.

A huge role in the success of the operation on the Karelian Isthmus and in South Karelia was played by the help of the Soviet rear, which provided the troops of the fronts with everything necessary, the high level of Soviet military art, which manifested itself with particular force in the choice of the directions of the main attacks of the fronts, the decisive massing of forces and means in the areas of the breakthrough, the organization precise interaction between the forces of the army and navy, the use of the most effective methods of suppressing and destroying enemy defenses, and the implementation of flexible maneuver during the offensive. Despite the exceptionally powerful enemy fortifications and the difficult nature of the terrain, the troops of the Leningrad and Karelian fronts were able to quickly crush the enemy and advance at a rather high pace for those conditions. In the course of the offensive, ground and naval forces successfully carried out landing operations in the Vyborg Bay and on Lake Ladoga in the Tuloksa region.

In battles with the Finnish invaders, Soviet soldiers increased the glory of the Armed Forces, demonstrated high combat skills, and displayed mass heroism. More than 93 thousand people were awarded orders and medals, and 78 soldiers were awarded the title of Hero of the Soviet Union. For an outstanding role in the operation and skillful command and control of the troops, the commander of the Leningrad Front, L. A. Govorov, was awarded the title of Marshal of the Soviet Union on June 18, 1944. Four times Moscow solemnly saluted the advancing troops. 132 formations and units were given the honorary titles of Leningrad, Vyborg, Svir, Petrozavodsk, 39 were awarded military orders.

"Continuation War" is called in Finland the participation of this country on the side of Nazi Germany in the war against the USSR in 1941-1944. It is a continuation of the Winter War of 1939-1940, during which the USSR captured the southeastern regions of Finland, which accounted for a tenth of the pre-war territory of this country. It was inhabited by 400 thousand people (one ninth of the population of Finland), almost all of them left their places of usual residence and settled in the rest of Finland. The ruling circles of this country set themselves the goal of returning the regions conquered by the Soviet Union. At that time, this task could only be accomplished with the help of Germany.

In turn, Hitler and his strategists considered Finland a convenient springboard for waging war against the USSR, primarily for encircling and capturing Leningrad from the north, as well as for capturing Murmansk. The Nazi leader promised support for Finland and the return of lost territories to it (in the future, all of Karelia and the Karelian Isthmus to the Neva would join Finland), but only on condition that it would take an active part in the war against the Soviet Union, and also provide its territory for the deployment of German troops. The close rapprochement between Germany and Finland was facilitated by the fact that Stalin did not abandon his previous plans for the complete annexation of Finland to the USSR.

Already in September 1940, the first German units appeared in Finland. Their presence in this country became one of the topics of the negotiations of the People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs V.M. Molotov with Hitler during the visit of the first to Berlin on November 12-14, 1940. Hitler replied that the German troops were in Finland in transit, and they were sent to Norway occupied by the Germans. Molotov tried to enlist Hitler's support in the further capture of Finland by the Soviet Union, but Hitler refused. After that, Soviet-Finnish relations worsened again, and in January 1941 the USSR recalled its ambassador from Finland, leaving only a temporary chargé d'affaires.

Meanwhile, the Finnish General Staff was already closely cooperating with the German, agreeing on joint military operations. In early June 1941, Finland carried out a covert mobilization of its armed forces. However, Finnish President R. Ryti and Commander-in-Chief Field Marshal K. Mannerheim set Hitler the condition that Finland would enter the war only if the USSR attacked it. However, given the actions of the German army carried out against the Union from the territory of Finland, there were plenty of reasons to provoke the USSR into hostile actions against Finland.

Already on the evening of June 21, 1941, German ships based in the ports of Finland laid minefields in the Gulf of Finland. German planes also laid mines in front of the Kronstadt raid, and on the way back they refueled at Finnish airfields. On June 22, Finnish troops occupied the Aland Islands, which had been a demilitarized zone since 1920, in accordance with international treaties. On the same day, Soviet aircraft bombarded the Finnish military on the Åland Islands. Skirmishes with the Finns began on the border.

On the morning of June 25, Soviet aviation launched the first bombing strike on the territory of mainland Finland. This happened in response to the actions of the Luftwaffe, whose planes took off from Finnish airfields. According to the Finnish side, the main targets of the Soviet bombing were civilian targets in the capital and major cities. On the evening of June 25, the Finnish Parliament stated that the country was in a state of defensive war with the USSR. The Finns blocked the Soviet naval base on the Hanko Peninsula.

June 29 - July 1, German units and one Finnish division set out from the territory of Northern Finland in the direction of Murmansk and Kandalaksha. During July, parts of the main Finnish troops gradually began offensive operations. Against the backdrop of German victories, the Finns expected a quick defeat of the Soviet Union, but met with stubborn resistance from the Soviet army. It was especially strong in the Leningrad direction, where the Red Army relied on the fortifications of the former Finnish Mannerheim Line. Only at the end of August did the Finns manage to take Vyborg. The offensive between the Ladoga and Onega lakes was more successful. Already at the end of July, Finnish troops approached Petrozavodsk, but they were able to take it only at the beginning of October after fierce battles. Earlier, in early September, the Finns reached the Svir River and the old Soviet-Finnish border on the Karelian Isthmus, where they were forced to stop the offensive.

There is an opinion that Finland only intended to return the territories lost in the war of 1939-1940. But the real advance of the Finnish troops shows that her goal was more significant. The rejection by Mannerheim of the German proposals to go together to Leningrad and advance south of the Svir River is simply explained: the Finns did not have the strength left for this. In the country, 17.5% of the total population was mobilized, which led to a sharp drop in the level of production, only partially offset by supplies from Germany. In the 1941 campaign, the Finnish army lost 21,000 men alone, two thousand more than in the Winter War. After the capture of the city of Povenets, the extreme point of the White Sea-Baltic Canal, in December 1941, the Finnish army was forced to go on the defensive everywhere and carry out partial demobilization, otherwise the country would have collapsed.

The crossing by the Finns of the old border with the USSR provoked protests from Great Britain. On November 28, 1941, Churchill sent an ultimatum to Finland demanding that the troops be withdrawn. However, the Finns refused, and on December 6, England declared war on Finland. The United States did not follow the example of the British.

The defeat of the German troops near Leningrad in January 1944 forced the leadership of Finland to probe the ground for a separate peace with the USSR. However, the Soviet conditions - in addition to returning to the new border to give away some territories in the north - seemed excessive to the Finns. Only after the Red Army launched an offensive in Karelia and the Karelian Isthmus in the summer of 1944 did Finland agree to the demands put forward to it. President Ryti resigned, and Mannerheim negotiated with the USSR, whom the parliament elected as the new head of state. In addition to the cession of the Pechenga region, Finland had to internee or expel by force the German troops stationed on its lands, pay reparations in industrial goods in the amount of 300 million dollars (in 1948 the USSR reduced the amount of reparations to 226.5 million; the last payment took place in 1952) and execute judgment on the rulers who dragged her into the war against the Soviet Union.

About 60 thousand Finns died in the Great Patriotic War. The irretrievable losses of the Soviet troops of the Karelian Front, the 7th and 23rd armies amounted to more than 90 thousand people.